The Genetics of Evil: Are People Born Bad? - Dr Kathryn Paige Harden

English
CChris Williamson
Mental HealthBooks & LiteratureCollege EducationParenting

Transcript

00:00:00What happened after the publication of your last book?
00:00:03Oh, it was a wild time.
00:00:07There's a lot of controversy.
00:00:09There's a lot of pushback.
00:00:12The conversations that I had with real people, not with other academics, but with just people
00:00:18who wrote me, people who happened to encounter the book in some way, that was fantastic.
00:00:25People wrote me and they said, "I've always wondered why I'm so different from my parents
00:00:31or why I'm so different from my siblings and your work has given me a new way of understanding
00:00:35that."
00:00:36They wrote to me about their decision to have kids or their decision not to have kids and
00:00:42how thinking about genetics has shaped that.
00:00:45That part of the conversation, which is a dialogue between an author and their readers, was fantastic.
00:00:51I loved that.
00:00:52And then there was another part of the dialogue, which was me with other academics, and that
00:00:57was really surprising to me, in part because I felt like some people needed to turn me into
00:01:05a villain in order to get their own message out.
00:01:11I was caught off guard by that whole process.
00:01:16I wish I could say that I had a thicker skin now, but I don't in many ways.
00:01:21I really do care what people think, I care about getting it right.
00:01:27So it took me a bit to think about how to get myself back out there in terms of the ideas
00:01:32in the wake of that.
00:01:34Especially if you're doing something that you think is trying to educate people about what
00:01:38is true.
00:01:39Yes.
00:01:40I'm trying to emancipate you from ignorance and explain things that make you feel less
00:01:47broken and alone, and then someone comes in and says, "Well, actually, what she's really
00:01:53saying..."
00:01:54Dude, don't try and fucking imbue me with your perspective of who you think I am or what you
00:02:00think my work is.
00:02:01And that's where we get indignant.
00:02:02There's that line, right?
00:02:03That the only insults that hurt are the ones that we believe.
00:02:06I don't think that's true.
00:02:07I think the only insults that hurt or the insults that hurt most are the ones that we think other
00:02:11people might believe about us.
00:02:14I think the insults that hurt most are the ones in which I didn't recognize the person
00:02:19they were insulting.
00:02:21So when you write a book, you have ideas and they're literally in black and white.
00:02:25They're on the text.
00:02:27You can point and you can say, "Look, I wrote this."
00:02:30And then when someone says, "She said X," when I literally had said the exact opposite of
00:02:35that, there's something very alienating and disorienting about feeling like you are talking,
00:02:43that people are deliberately not hearing you.
00:02:47Surely part of that must be a sense that other people could pattern match it as truth though.
00:02:53Because if not, if I call you fat, you're not fat.
00:02:55So you go, "Well, it's funny if I say that you're too tanned, you've got too much fake
00:03:00tan on."
00:03:01You go, "I'm not wearing any fake tan."
00:03:03So obviously that's not going to land.
00:03:05So that's what I mean that the lens through which these criticisms at least seem to bite
00:03:10the most are someone somewhere might believe that this could be true.
00:03:15This is a version of me that's true.
00:03:16The author is Sally Rooney.
00:03:18She's a novelist, an Irish novelist, and she talks in one of her books about there's you,
00:03:22the author, and then there's a version of you that wears your name and has your face and
00:03:28everyone talks about her, but it's not you and in some ways she's saying the exact opposite
00:03:33things.
00:03:34So you almost feel like there's a doppelganger of you walking around that is making the exact
00:03:40opposite argument that you are.
00:03:42And I think you're right that it's thinking that other people are going to think that she's
00:03:46me.
00:03:47Yes, yes.
00:03:48It's so disorienting.
00:03:49This weird shadow page.
00:03:50Yeah.
00:03:51Yeah.
00:03:52It's also, I think there's something about relationships.
00:03:53Like I don't know if you've ever been in a relationship where you say something and the
00:03:58other person doesn't hear it at all the way you intended and then you end up having this
00:04:03fight where you're like, "But I didn't say that."
00:04:05But you can't convince the other person that you didn't say that and you're really just
00:04:10seeing the world and you're hearing words in a totally different way and it makes you feel
00:04:15really estranged from other people, I think, when that happens.
00:04:19Like what's going on that I can't get my message across clearly?
00:04:25And as a writer, words are so important to me.
00:04:28They're the way that I feel like I make sense of the world and I make change in the world.
00:04:34And so when I feel like my words are saying this and someone is saying the exact opposite,
00:04:41I feel like, "Wait, what?
00:04:43What is happening here?"
00:04:45My dad was really helpful in the whole process.
00:04:47So my dad was a fighter pilot for the US Navy when he was a young man.
00:04:53And he just kept saying, "You always get the most fire when you're directly over the target."
00:05:01And I just kept remembering that, that there's something about genetics, which is a scientific
00:05:07field that really gets to, it really touches on issues that people think are really important
00:05:12in their actual lives, not just academically.
00:05:15And so if I'm getting all of this fury about a book that I wrote as a college professor,
00:05:21I must actually be talking about something important to people on some deeper level and
00:05:26some real low level.
00:05:28You did a big four million person study.
00:05:30You were a part of that.
00:05:31I did.
00:05:32What did you learn?
00:05:33Well, it wasn't just me.
00:05:34There's many co-authors.
00:05:35Science, especially with this, is very much a group endeavor.
00:05:41And I was really lucky to work with two of my former trainees who are now independent
00:05:45scientists on that paper.
00:05:48So we pooled DNA from 4 million people, mostly from UK Biobank, 23andMe customers, participants
00:06:00in a big study called All of Us.
00:06:03And we were looking at what genes are more common in people who have done one of seven
00:06:11things.
00:06:12So they have ADHD symptoms in childhood.
00:06:16They had sex at a young age.
00:06:18They have more sexual partners.
00:06:20They have ever smoked pot.
00:06:23They are engaging in what we call problematic alcohol use, which is drinking to the point
00:06:28that it causes problems in your life.
00:06:31They've ever smoked a cigarette.
00:06:34And they describe themselves as someone who really likes to take risks.
00:06:40I'm a person who likes to take risks.
00:06:42So what we were looking at is genes that are more common in people who not just do one of
00:06:49these things, but are more common in any one of these behaviors.
00:06:54Can we find genes that are just generally involved in being a risk taker?
00:06:58Is that suite of things altogether risk taking?
00:07:01Where's the ADHD part come into that?
00:07:03Well, ADHD is impulsivity and hyperactivity.
00:07:07So one way you can think about it is this is disinhibition.
00:07:11All of these things are behaviors that violate some rule, right?
00:07:17So someone says it's not healthy to smoke.
00:07:20You shouldn't drink if you have problems.
00:07:22Kids who have ADHD get the diagnosis of ADHD because they're doing things in school that
00:07:27they shouldn't be doing.
00:07:30Sexual behavior is moralized.
00:07:32So if you're having sex at 14 or if you're having sex with very many sexual partners,
00:07:36that's against kind of a conventional morality.
00:07:39So they're all things where people are engaging in a behavior in which they might experience
00:07:47consequences or might experience social judgment, and they're doing it anyways.
00:07:52So there's a risk taking element there, and there's a kind of reward seeking element there.
00:07:58And there's nothing magical about those seven behaviors.
00:08:00They just happen to be the ones in which we had enough data, where enough people had done
00:08:05them, and we had gathered enough genetic data from people.
00:08:10And then we looked and saw what genes could we discover that are associated with all of
00:08:14these things?
00:08:16And then what else about a person's life do they project if we can tap into this genetic
00:08:24liability, this genetic predisposition towards loss of risk taking?
00:08:29It's actually a follow up to a study that we published a couple years ago.
00:08:33So it's a similar concept, but just more people this time, which gives you more power.
00:08:40And it's interesting how much people vary in those behaviors.
00:08:46So just think of one of them, which is number of sexual partners.
00:08:49Number of sexual partners in our data set ranges from zero, so people who are lifelong abstinent,
00:08:54to 99, because you're not allowed to put three digits of sexual partners into the survey.
00:09:01So it's really a whole range of human behavior.
00:09:05And so thinking about what are the genes that influence you at literally every stage of your
00:09:12lifespan from when you're a kid to you're turning into a sexually mature adolescent into substance
00:09:18use and risk taking in adulthood.
00:09:21What got you thinking about wrongdoing and impulsivity and bad behavior, antisocial behavior?
00:09:28I've kind of always been interested in it.
00:09:31Maybe it's the opposite of me search, because I was a very not cool, not risk taking adolescent.
00:09:38But my first job in science was in a mouse lab.
00:09:45So it was a behavioral neuroscience lab that studied mice.
00:09:49And it was studying opiate addiction and withdrawal in mice.
00:09:53So it was getting mice addicted to morphine, and then taking it away, and seeing if we could
00:10:00manipulate something about their biology, about their brain, to make them more or less addicted
00:10:07to that opiate substance.
00:10:09More resilient.
00:10:10Yeah, more resilient.
00:10:12And this was when I was a college freshman, so 1999 to 2000.
00:10:21When I started, the draft of the human genome hadn't even been completed yet.
00:10:27But my PI was using a method where you manipulate how genes are expressed in the mouse brain.
00:10:33So my very first job in science, my only job before that had been being a waitress at this
00:10:38like diner in South Carolina that served meat and three vegetables.
00:10:43And you got the church ladies.
00:10:44So I went from that to working in this lab where my job was to basically do little brain
00:10:49surgery on the mouse brains.
00:10:51So put them on this little apparatus and drill a hole in their heads and put a little shunt
00:10:56in so that we could inject things in this very particular spot in their brains.
00:11:03And I just thought, this is awesome.
00:11:06Like this feels like science fiction to me.
00:11:08We're taking this behavior that I've always seen.
00:11:12We can get into this if you want, but I was raised in a fundamentalist household, in a
00:11:16very evangelical Christian household.
00:11:19So I was raised to think of drug use entirely in moral terms.
00:11:23Like this is about willpower, this is about your relationship with Jesus.
00:11:29And now we're modeling it in mice.
00:11:32And now we're going to manipulate something in mice brains in order to see if we can change
00:11:39that behavior.
00:11:40It has something to do with their genes.
00:11:42I just thought that was an incredible paradigm shift.
00:11:46And so I've, I never really switched my interest in risk-taking phenotypes or substance use
00:11:53phenotypes.
00:11:54What I switched was the species instead of studying it in mice, I study it in people.
00:11:59What's the, talk to me about the evolutionary roots before we even get into the really, really
00:12:04spicy stuff of heritability of antisocial behavior and things like that.
00:12:09That's the palate cleanser of evolutionary psychology.
00:12:12What's the evolutionary roots of sort of aggression, dominance, impulsivity, that kind of.
00:12:17I mean, I think we're still figuring it out.
00:12:19In fact, I have a project on this going on right now to think about, can we trace some
00:12:25of the specific evolution of the genes that are associated with these behaviors?
00:12:33But there is a theory that essentially humans have self-domesticated.
00:12:40That they, if you look at us compared to our most, you know, closest genetic ancestor in
00:12:45comparison to chimpanzees, all of us, all humans, males and females, juveniles and adults, engage
00:12:54in less aggression, more cooperation.
00:12:58Our physiology has changed in ways that are less aggressive.
00:13:02We have, you know, we've lost our big canines and we don't have the same huge jaw in the
00:13:08same way.
00:13:10And so there's some interesting theories about essentially humans in their long journey towards
00:13:17becoming this incredibly cooperative species, we selected each other to be more self-controlled,
00:13:28more self-regulated.
00:13:29At the same time, there's a countervailing force there, which is that there's a lot of
00:13:40ways in which some risk-taking is rewarded in a society and even necessary in a society.
00:13:46So I talk in my book about this one study where they looked at who is most likely to
00:13:52be a successful entrepreneur by the age of, I think, 35 in the United States.
00:13:58And it was people who had some level of, you know, what we might think of as social privilege
00:14:02or material resources, so white men from middle to upper income families.
00:14:10But amongst them, who was most likely to become an entrepreneur?
00:14:14When controlling for white men from upper income families?
00:14:16Yes, like amongst people who might have- Because there's lots of them and not all of
00:14:20them, not many of them become successful entrepreneurs.
00:14:22Exactly.
00:14:23Most of them do not, right?
00:14:24Amongst people, you might say, have enough resources.
00:14:28Raw material.
00:14:29Raw materials.
00:14:31Who does become a successful entrepreneur?
00:14:33And one of the best predictors is did you engage in some delinquency as a teenager?
00:14:39Risk-taking.
00:14:40Yeah.
00:14:41So were you ever arrested?
00:14:42Did you ever paint graffiti?
00:14:44Did you ever do not serious, aggressive delinquency, but something that was a little bit rule-breaking,
00:14:53maybe got in trouble at school, maybe got in trouble with the law?
00:14:57And you know entrepreneurs.
00:14:59Like that tracks, right?
00:15:00Like you can think of them as people who are like, "There's a conventional way of doing
00:15:05things, and I don't really care that that's the conventional way of doing things.
00:15:09I want to do it my own way."
00:15:11And so I think that as a species, we need cooperation, but then we also need some level of risk-taking,
00:15:20some outliers.
00:15:22We need some level of deviance in order to push the society forward too.
00:15:26And so these things are kind of always in tension.
00:15:29The level of deviance is less because the waterline of domestication has also gone down.
00:15:35I think Rutger Bregman talks about the "popification" is the term he uses.
00:15:39I was talking to you before I came in about my friend Greg from Bloom, and I asked him
00:15:45how is it that you have managed to grow so quickly?
00:15:48This huge company is maybe going to be worth a billion dollars this year, and he unironically
00:15:54turned to me and said, "I just think I'm too retarded to work out what risk is."
00:16:01It's not that I've overcome risk, it's that I don't have the capacity to be able to feel
00:16:07risk.
00:16:10It sort of doesn't register for me.
00:16:12So he just put it all in black, and then put it all in black again, and put it all in black
00:16:16again, and he just keeps on betting the house.
00:16:19And obviously that's going to be a competitive advantage, and you're going to end up with
00:16:23survivorship bias.
00:16:24The ones who stick it out will— It's because there's a lot of people who
00:16:27are going to put it on black, and they're going to lose, and they're going to lose.
00:16:30And they're going to lose.
00:16:31Precisely.
00:16:32But you don't hear those stories, right?
00:16:33You get self—okay, so we have—humans need to cooperate more over time.
00:16:39That means that we need to have more prosocial behavior.
00:16:43We need to be able to self-regulate.
00:16:45We need to not be deviating from norms.
00:16:47They become cultural norms, which get enforced a little bit more to—we're worried about
00:16:51what other people think of us, so on and so forth.
00:16:53And that opens up if you're going to be a Viking that wants to raid Lindisfarne and pillage
00:16:59and come back and not have trauma about it, if you're going to be a person who aggressively
00:17:04goes to become chieftain and all the rest—there's some opportunities that open up, but overall,
00:17:09humans have built themselves into a pretty well-regulated and self-regulated species.
00:17:15I mean, compared to almost all other species, especially our primate relatives, we have
00:17:21the ability to forecast into the future, the ability to anticipate, "Well, if I do this,
00:17:27then this might happen, and then this might happen," and the ability to take seriously
00:17:31the consequences not just for ourselves but for other people.
00:17:35So compared to many other species, humans have an extraordinary amount of empathy, emotional
00:17:42empathy, the ability to feel the distress of other people, to be able to anticipate what
00:17:47the other person is feeling, and that's, again, across sexes, across genders.
00:17:53It's visible very early in life.
00:17:55So we have this architecture of self-regulation that exists for a reason, and then we also
00:18:02have—I mean, humans are just like an endlessly varying species, right?
00:18:07Like, I say in my book that in every crack in human sameness, we see evidence of the
00:18:11genotype because that's the grist for the evolutionary meal is us being genetically
00:18:17different from one another.
00:18:19And so you're going to see that genetic variation and risk-taking, too, and that's
00:18:23not all—it can be very maladaptive at the extreme, but it's not maladaptive all the
00:18:29way through distribution.
00:18:31As another example, there's—I mean, this is not risk-taking per se, but I think it exemplifies
00:18:36a similar point, which is that if you look at the genes that are associated with schizophrenia,
00:18:42so with this very serious mental disorder characterized by psychotic—you know, hearing things, believing
00:18:48things that aren't true.
00:18:50If you look at people who have a high number of those genetic variants but aren't schizophrenic,
00:18:58you see that they're more likely to be artists, they're more likely to be engineers, they're
00:19:01more likely to be musicians, they're more likely to be in creative professions, which
00:19:05is a hypothesis that we've had for a long time.
00:19:09And to the extent that these genes that are bad genes or diseased genes are also predisposing
00:19:16people towards art and creativity, that's going to keep them around in the human gene
00:19:20pool for longer.
00:19:21And I think my hypothesis is that it's a similar thing with this inhibition, that at
00:19:27the extreme, that's very maladaptive outcomes, but, you know, to the extent that your friend
00:19:34has a little bit further down, you get Greg from Bloom.
00:19:38And then he gets lots of material resources, and he has lots of mating opportunities, and
00:19:42he's seen as a very attractive partner, and that's going to increase—it's going to
00:19:46keep those genes circulating around in the gene pool.
00:19:48It's an interesting challenge to look at pop stars or founders and think, how many genes
00:19:56away from schizophrenia were you?
00:19:59You know, like I look at, I don't know, like a Marilyn Manson or a Machine Gun Kelly or
00:20:03something.
00:20:04I'm like, do you are—I mean, you're pretty skitsy as it is.
00:20:07You're fascinating.
00:20:08A fascinating individual has such an interesting life with all the different directions that
00:20:13you've gone in and dressing in cool, weird, different ways.
00:20:17I reckon if I gave you just like another five percent of the genes, I reckon you could be
00:20:20completely crazy.
00:20:22Yeah.
00:20:23Or if you'd had just that much worse of a childhood environment, right?
00:20:26Like if you—
00:20:27To activate it a little bit more.
00:20:28Yes.
00:20:29Like if they'd had the same genotype, but instead of it being channeled into creativity
00:20:33and being raised by nurturing parents of the experience—
00:20:36Directed in the wrong way.
00:20:37—you know, abuse or maltreatment or real—or even like a birth, you know, a difficult birth
00:20:44or labor and delivery experience of that kind of push to them in that way.
00:20:47An inverse question would be to look at schizophrenic people and think how many of you were meant
00:20:52to be artists and you just had the wrong foundations for the first decade of your life.
00:20:59I have a friend here in Austin who was in the sort of psychedelic-y scene that is everywhere
00:21:07in this city for a good while.
00:21:09And I asked him, "Have you ever partaken in mushrooms or anything like that?"
00:21:14He says, "No, man.
00:21:15I've got a few close relatives that have got schizophrenia."
00:21:19And I think he was 28.
00:21:21So once you get past 30 or 35, I think the risk of it causing—
00:21:26Very low.
00:21:27—a schizophrenic break.
00:21:28Is this—this isn't just myth.
00:21:31This is actual truth?
00:21:32No, this is truth.
00:21:33Oh, cool.
00:21:34Yeah.
00:21:35So I think there's evidence to suggest that people who have a family history of bipolar
00:21:39disorder and schizophrenia are potentially more negatively affected by cannabis and by
00:21:46hallucinogens, by psychedelic drugs generally, and that the risk for that first psychotic
00:21:51break is really, you know, most commonly 15 to 30, like really concentrated in young adulthood.
00:21:59So if you've made it to your 30s without your—without experiencing a psychotic episode—
00:22:07Psyche is snapping it off.
00:22:08—you've probably passed through the period of major risk.
00:22:10That doesn't mean the risk is over, but it's a lot smaller.
00:22:14And that tracks also about brain development.
00:22:15Like we don't really see a fully adult brain in terms of the wiring of the prefrontal cortex
00:22:22until 27 to 30.
00:22:24So if you're thinking about not adding something that might disrupt brain development while
00:22:31it's still cohering, and then maybe it's a little bit safer after that period of time.
00:22:39I told my kids, if you ever want to try psychedelic drugs, you should wait until after 30.
00:22:44Have you got schizophrenia in your family?
00:22:46We do not have schizophrenia in our family.
00:22:48You just didn't want them to have a psychotic break anyway?
00:22:51I feel like psychedelic drugs are really great—I mean, what they do is they disrupt your normal
00:22:59patterns of brain communication, and they allow parts of your brain to talk to each other that
00:23:03don't ordinarily talk to each other.
00:23:05And I think that can be really powerful in middle age when you're kind of tending towards
00:23:11a neurobiological rut, you know, when every day is the same.
00:23:16But I think your 20s are already a chaotic time.
00:23:19It's already a time of rapid development, rapid neuroplasticity.
00:23:23I don't think there's a need to add that additional element of disruption to it at that point in
00:23:30age.
00:23:31I mean, lots of people do, but—and I don't know.
00:23:35Is there great data on is it worth to do it at 25 versus 35 or riskier?
00:23:39I don't know, but I've done psychedelic drugs, and I'm a psychologist that knows something
00:23:45about neurobiology.
00:23:46And my reading of the evidence was like, "I don't think this would be terrible, but I think
00:23:50you should wait until your brain is cooked before you mess with it."
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00:25:02Do you think wrongdoing is something that's freely chosen then?
00:25:06Just going straight into the free will question.
00:25:08Yeah.
00:25:09Well, look, are we born predisposed toward transgression?
00:25:12I think we're definitely predisposed to our transgressions.
00:25:16I think that luck, the luck of having your genes, the luck of having your parents, the
00:25:23luck of how those have combined, the choices that you make when you're not really old enough
00:25:30to know the ramifications of those choices, the choices that you make as a young teenager,
00:25:36all of that really shaped the person that you are.
00:25:39And so that person might be, well, might certainly experience themselves as freely choosing, but
00:25:46the person who is doing the choosing, the person that is deciding between the options, that
00:25:53person is so profoundly shaped by factors outside of their control.
00:25:59Or on a set of train tracks.
00:26:00Yeah.
00:26:01I mean, I find the free will question, actually, I find the free will question not the most
00:26:10interesting question because the question of do we have free will is a question about all
00:26:18of us.
00:26:19Either all humans have free will or all humans don't have free will.
00:26:23And even if we don't have free will, we still have to figure out how to treat each other
00:26:27and we still have to figure out how to get on with the business of life.
00:26:31I'm more interested in the question of what, given the science, do we know about how our
00:26:42genes, our environments have shaped us?
00:26:45And then given that, given that we definitely know that how shaped we are by those forces,
00:26:54what role should that play in punishment, in reward, and how we, and again, in how we treat
00:27:01each other.
00:27:02I completely agree.
00:27:03I'm not particularly interested in the free will question.
00:27:06Annika Harris has been on.
00:27:07She was great.
00:27:08Sam's been on.
00:27:09I know you know him.
00:27:10Cool.
00:27:11Alex O'Connor, one of my friends is big into this, but it's fine.
00:27:15It's okay.
00:27:16But to me, it feels like a little bit of a cognitive dead end.
00:27:18I'm sure maybe I'm just not smart enough to fully, I appreciate the arguments of determinism
00:27:22and compatibilism, so on and so forth.
00:27:25But for me, a much more sort of functionally interesting one is to assume that we do and
00:27:31then play with the variables inside of it.
00:27:33Inside of it.
00:27:34Yes.
00:27:35Yeah.
00:27:36Okay.
00:27:37This is the sandbox that we're in.
00:27:38There's a cool idea that Derek Thompson came up with, but not Derek Thompson, sorry.
00:27:45Derek Sivers.
00:27:46And he says a functionally true, but literally false and something which is functionally true,
00:27:51but literally false, but functionally true would be a belief that we have free will.
00:27:57Even if you're a determinist, acting as if you're not makes your life better because you
00:28:02don't outsource your agency.
00:28:04Something that would be literally false, but functionally true might be porcupines can throw
00:28:10their quills.
00:28:11So they can't.
00:28:12They're not dart players.
00:28:14But if you give them a wide enough berth.
00:28:15They can't.
00:28:16They need to project them.
00:28:17Yeah.
00:28:18You're safer.
00:28:19You're more likely to be safe.
00:28:22Pigs are uniquely dirty animals, morally dirty animals, and you shouldn't eat them.
00:28:26They're morally just the same as pretty much any other animal.
00:28:31But their skin does carry a higher pathogen load, especially if you're in sort of Middle
00:28:35Eastern style.
00:28:36So again, literally false, but functionally true.
00:28:43Treat the gun as if it's always loaded.
00:28:46So all of these things are interesting.
00:28:47Anyway, that's my position on that.
00:28:49So any sociable?
00:28:50I agree.
00:28:51I mean, I think the free will question is intellectually interesting, but of limited practical utility
00:28:57for a lot of the questions that we have.
00:28:59So for example, someone runs someone else over with their car, and you learn that that person
00:29:07had epilepsy and they were having a seizure when they did it.
00:29:11And then you learn that that person knew they were epileptic but didn't take their medication.
00:29:16And then you learn that that person doesn't have epilepsy, but was having a panic attack
00:29:24because they have a history of extreme childhood maltreatment.
00:29:30And then you find out that, no, it's not that, but they're-
00:29:32Make it stop.
00:29:33Yeah.
00:29:34So all of those are different reasons, right?
00:29:36So we can think of like, it's a seizure.
00:29:39It's a seizure that's governed by this medication choice.
00:29:43It's a panic attack.
00:29:44It's panic attack that's linked to their-
00:29:46Mistreatment.
00:29:48Their mistreatment history.
00:29:50It's none of those things.
00:29:51They seem to have mowed someone down in cold blood, but their father was also in prison
00:29:57for a violent crime and their mother was also in prison for a violent crime and they might've
00:30:01inherited a tendency.
00:30:03We have all sorts of wild intuitions and people really differ in their intuitions about all
00:30:08those scenarios, about who's the most culpable and who's the most blameless out of all of
00:30:14those.
00:30:15And the free will question doesn't help you discriminate, right?
00:30:20It's like from the perspective of determinism, epilepsy and the choice not to take your epilepsy
00:30:25medication and the being the psychopathic child of two psychopaths are all the same, but that's
00:30:31not how people reason about things.
00:30:34And part of what I was interested in in this book project is, okay, from the perspective
00:30:40of academic philosophy, these might all be the same, but from the perspective of the average
00:30:44judge or juror or person in relationship trying to think about why did this person hurt me
00:30:51and should I forgive them?
00:30:52Free will doesn't help us solve that problem and why do we reason so differently?
00:30:59Literally true about functionally false.
00:31:00Yeah.
00:31:01Literally true about functionally false.
00:31:02All right.
00:31:03Let's talk about anti-social behavior.
00:31:04Yeah.
00:31:05How does that look?
00:31:06Give me the sweet of it.
00:31:07The sweet of it.
00:31:08Okay.
00:31:09So anti-social behavior are doing things persistently that violate social norms, moral norms, the
00:31:14rights of others.
00:31:16And so in childhood, this looks like skipping school, lying to parents, that's mild forms,
00:31:22to robbery, to stealing, to hurting another person, beating them up, to torturing the family
00:31:31cat, cruelty to animals.
00:31:33What we see is that the heritability, which is, to back up a second, heritability is are
00:31:39people who are more genetically alike more behaviorally alike.
00:31:44So we see very high heritability, 80% for schizophrenia.
00:31:51So identical twins are not perfectly similar for schizophrenia, but if your identical twin
00:31:57has schizophrenia, you have a 50/50 shot of developing yourself, which is way higher than
00:32:01a base rate of 1%.
00:32:03I thought you said it was 80%.
00:32:06The percent of variance is 80%.
00:32:11So that's a benchmark that I think that people can have in their heads about a highly heritable
00:32:16mental disorder is something like schizophrenia or bipolar disorder.
00:32:21What we see is that childhood anti-social behavior is nearly as heritable as schizophrenia, particularly
00:32:29if you're looking at kids who also have what is called callous unemotional traits.
00:32:35So callous unemotional traits is basically like psychopathy in children.
00:32:40So children who hurt others, break rules, upset their parents, and don't feel bad about it.
00:32:50Don't feel guilty about it.
00:32:52And that's not just risk taking.
00:32:54That's not just I want to do something and I am risk tolerant.
00:32:59There's also an element of, again, callousness, of lack of empathy towards whether other people
00:33:07are hurting in that scenario.
00:33:09So what we see is that in children who have early onset of anti-social behavior and anti-social
00:33:17behavior accompanied by these callous unemotional lack of guilt, lack of remorse feelings, some
00:33:24of the heritability estimates are also at 80 percent just as high as schizophrenia.
00:33:30Now not every child who has anti-social behavior shows this lack of remorse, lack of empathy,
00:33:39and some of them seem to be dealing with environmental factors that are causing them to act out.
00:33:47So they might have a trauma history, they might have a maltreatment history.
00:33:51So what you see is the heritability of anti-social behavior tends to be lower in those kids.
00:33:57That seems to be more of a response to your environmental circumstances.
00:34:01Whereas it's the kids where you look at the parents and you're like, these seem to be completely
00:34:07average parents.
00:34:08They're not maltreating the child.
00:34:09No one's living in poverty.
00:34:11They're not living in a high lead environment.
00:34:13And this kid is still acting in this anti-social way and doesn't feel bad about it.
00:34:19That is the most heritable kind of subtype of conduct problems.
00:34:26And it's a real problem in psychiatry because parents come to the psychiatrist or the doctor's
00:34:34office or the therapist's office and they're like, my kid is aggressive and my kid doesn't
00:34:38feel bad about the fact they're aggressive.
00:34:41And that is the form of child mental health problems for which we have the fewest effective
00:34:48treatments for compared to say, my child is depressed or my child is anxious.
00:34:53You know, even my child, even if your child is manic, there's medication for that.
00:34:57It's not going to cure it, but it's going to manage the symptoms.
00:35:00Whereas persistently anti-social children, it's where we are at the limit scientifically
00:35:08of knowing how to effectively help them and help their families.
00:35:14How do you think most people typically interpret the behavior of a kid like that?
00:35:20And what's a different frame that you would give them using a behavioral genetic lens?
00:35:26So I think often people describe interacting with really anti-social children.
00:35:35Their most common responses is avoidance or harshness.
00:35:39So a lot of times when people are very callous, children or adults, you'll hear people say,
00:35:45and makes the hairs on the back of my neck stand out.
00:35:49There's this sense that there's something eerie or off or off-putting about a child or an adult
00:35:57that doesn't seem to be displaying the kind of empathic distress at another person's distress
00:36:04that we typically see in other humans.
00:36:08And I think that spidey-sense feeling that my hair is on the back of my neck, and I think
00:36:14it's an old thing.
00:36:15Like, I mean, I think it's an evolutionarily old mechanism to say, "Okay, there's something
00:36:22about the way this organism is acting," and/or they respond with harshness, like, "They can't
00:36:31act this way.
00:36:32They have to know they can't act this way."
00:36:34You know, I heard a line, a phenomenal line from my friend Connor Beaton from Man Talks
00:36:40the other day.
00:36:41He says, "We try to control that which we feel we cannot trust."
00:36:44Yes.
00:36:45And you see in relationships, if you're concerned about whether or not you're, "Is my partner
00:36:50going to stray?
00:36:51Are they going to cheat on me on a night out?"
00:36:53That is when you will see more controlling behavior.
00:36:56Or text me when you get there, "Who are you with, and how long are we out for?"
00:36:59You said that you were going to go, did you go to, "I saw a photo of you in the background,"
00:37:02as opposed to, "I feel like I can try.
00:37:05I don't need to do control because the trust is there."
00:37:07And it feels like it's sort of the same here, this child that doesn't seem to be showing
00:37:12pro-social behavior and isn't remorseful.
00:37:16I don't trust that if they -- first off, I don't trust that they're not going to do something
00:37:20bad.
00:37:22And if they do do something bad, I'm not convinced that they would own up to it or tell me or
00:37:27care enough to learn to not do it again.
00:37:30So I need to come in as this sort of external structure to constrain this behavior.
00:37:37Yeah.
00:37:38I think that's totally true.
00:37:39And I think with kids, the temptation is control and control through harshness.
00:37:45So I'm going to take away all your toys.
00:37:49I'm not going to allow you to have play dates.
00:37:51I'm going to withdraw my affection.
00:37:52I'm going to verbally berate you, shame you, blame you.
00:37:58I'm going to spank you or use some sort of other corporal punishment.
00:38:02There are these studies from the '90s where they take a child with conduct problems and
00:38:05they bring them into the lab and they have them interact with a woman who's not their
00:38:09mom.
00:38:10So this is just a volunteer.
00:38:12No interaction with the child.
00:38:14And they see over the course of the interaction that even this stranger begins to respond to
00:38:20the child with no warmth, with coercion, with harshness, with impatience.
00:38:28And I think that's a very -- again, I think that you're picking up on the right thing,
00:38:32which is there's a fear and an uncertainty and we respond to it with a lack of trust,
00:38:38with a control.
00:38:39And also the way that we try to control children in our culture is often through a lot of harshness.
00:38:45The problem is that those children are the most vulnerable to harsh punishment.
00:38:52So the best -- one of the best predictors of an antisocial child escalating in their antisocial
00:38:59behavior is how harshly have they been punished by the grownups in their lives.
00:39:04Why do you think that is?
00:39:05I think there's a couple of reasons.
00:39:07One, I think that we're back to your friend -- I'm not saying her antisocial, but this
00:39:12-- this, you know, attitude towards risk and potential negative consequences.
00:39:19Some people are much more sensitive to punishment than other people.
00:39:22They learn immediately from punishment or they're like, "I lost it all, let's go again."
00:39:28And I'm willing to do that same thing over and over again.
00:39:30You see this even with animals where some rats, if you train them to press a lever and they
00:39:38get alcohol for it, and then midway through the experiment you switch it such that instead
00:39:43of getting alcohol they now get shocked.
00:39:47Most rats, 75 to 80 percent, will stop pressing the bar.
00:39:51They're like, "Okay, well I used to be able to get drunk off of this, but now I'm getting
00:39:55shocked so I'm not going to do this anymore."
00:39:58But there's a minority of rats that will actually increase their rate of behavior.
00:40:03They will start pressing the bar more.
00:40:06And I think some of that is like, I'm not learning from -- to anthropomorphize the rat
00:40:10if I'm the rat in the situation -- I'm not learning from punishment, I learned really
00:40:15well from reward.
00:40:17So maybe this time, maybe this time it'll be the time that I get this reward that I'm expecting.
00:40:24And I think that there's the same sort of individual differences between people, where some people
00:40:29are very reward-sensitive and not at all punishment-sensitive.
00:40:33If they don't learn from being punished, then punishing them isn't going to help them learn.
00:40:40And what we see with children with antisocial behavior is that they're -- one way to think
00:40:45about it is it's almost like a learning disability, this inability to learn from pain, learn from
00:40:51negative consequences.
00:40:54And so the parent is like, "Well that didn't work, how do I ratchet this up further?"
00:40:58Make it more extreme.
00:40:59More extreme.
00:41:00You don't get on the phone for two months, you don't get to see any of your friends, we're
00:41:04going to take everything that you like out of your room, you don't get to do sports.
00:41:08And now they're like, "Or I'm going to spank you, I'm going to berate you for being such
00:41:14a bad kid."
00:41:16And if none of that punishment they're actually learning from, and all you're doing is taking
00:41:21away any opportunity for them to connect with you and care about the reward of being in relationship
00:41:29with you, then you're actually destroying the one handle that you might have, which is people
00:41:36grow from connection, people grow from wanting to be attached to another person.
00:41:43So I think there's this really vicious feedback loop that especially antisocial children can
00:41:48get in, where they elicit from adults the exact opposite of the treatment that they would need
00:41:57in order to stop their behavior.
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00:42:57What about when this evolves into adulthood?
00:43:05Yeah, well, I mean, I think that's what's, I think, so troubling and difficult for our
00:43:10moral intuitions is that by the time someone's a man, if they're still impulsively hurting
00:43:16other people, then of course we feel outrage at that.
00:43:22How could you do that?
00:43:23How can we stop you?
00:43:25Other people need to be protected from you, but every single one of those people was once
00:43:30a child, and that evokes more of our empathic response of did they ever really have a chance
00:43:40to be a different sort of man if so much of this is rooted in the experiences and in the
00:43:47neurobiology of their childhood development?
00:43:51Where this really I think comes to a crucible where we don't really know what to do as a
00:43:58society is around adolescent school shooters.
00:44:02I mean, you see how confused our response to this is, right?
00:44:05With someone's 15, you now have states, some crimes where the shooter is being tried as
00:44:12an adult and their parents are being charged as responsible for providing with the gun.
00:44:18And when you see something like that, you're like, "We have no idea what to do with teenagers
00:44:23as a culture if we're saying both the parents are responsible for their behavior and a 15-year-old
00:44:28is responsible for themselves as if they were a grown up."
00:44:32That's a sign of I think deep moral confusion on the part of our society about what we're
00:44:36going to do with.
00:44:38What do we do with people who harm and their harming is rooted in this long developmental
00:44:47process that started way before they were really able to make any real choices about who they
00:44:54were going to be or how their lives were going to go.
00:44:58There is definitely a question, when do you become culpable for your own actions?
00:45:01We don't look at a two-year-old and say, "They've got a nature or he's a bit fussy, a bit boisterous."
00:45:08And then you roll the clock forward and he's five years old and pulling the wings of flies
00:45:13in the garden outside and then you roll the clock forward a little bit more and he's setting
00:45:17fire to stuff in school and bullying the kids and this is now his fourth different education
00:45:21establishment and he's been put on some special segregated thing and he's 14 and he's hanging
00:45:26around with gangs.
00:45:30When do we say you are now culpable for your actions?
00:45:34Well I think that as humans, as individual humans, that differs by people and it's really
00:45:39kind of, I mean it's sort of also like when is an animal conscious, you know, it's a sliding
00:45:45scale, there's a lot of gray there and then you have a criminal legal system that's trying
00:45:51to take this fuzziness between a 13 and an 18-year-old and say, "Okay, this is the age."
00:45:57You know, it's 16 or 15, you can be tried as an adult but before that you're a child.
00:46:06This isn't just the United States, this isn't just high-income countries, they have the same
00:46:12debates in the aftermath of genocide in Africa and several countries because of the use of
00:46:21child soldiers and there's been this exact same problem which is if someone was recruited
00:46:29by an army to be a soldier and hooked on drugs and given a machine gun at 13 and at 18 they're
00:46:37still a combatant and committing war crimes, to what extent are they culpable for that?
00:46:45Are they a victim because they were made to go to war or are they an agent that were holding
00:46:52responsible because now they're a grown man and they're still doing these things?
00:46:56In my book I talk about how some of the most successful programs for the reentry of these
00:47:03child soldiers are communities where there's rituals that both recognize that they were
00:47:09hurt and also ask them to kind of admit responsibility and take responsibility for the actions that
00:47:18they've committed, whereas we have very little like that within the American criminal legal
00:47:25system, even within a lot of our relationships.
00:47:29Like I did a terrible thing, I'm not an innocent victim and these are all the reasons that I
00:47:36was shaped to do that.
00:47:39Holding both of those in your head at the same time I think is a challenging thing for us.
00:47:43What about addiction?
00:47:44Addiction, I mean I think addiction is a very similar process.
00:47:48I think that some of the most sophisticated philosophers are people in recovery from addiction,
00:47:54the practical philosophers because think about what being in recovery for addiction asks you
00:48:01to do.
00:48:02Even just the steps in AA.
00:48:04It's I'm powerless against alcohol, I'm going to submit to a higher power, I'm going to atone
00:48:13and ask for forgiveness from other people, I'm going to vow to do differently today.
00:48:19So it's this, I think that's a beautiful example of holding in mind those two things that I
00:48:24was just saying, which is there's lots of reasons including my brain, including my biology that
00:48:30I'm addicted to alcohol.
00:48:32I am powerless, I'm admitting my powerlessness against this and I'm taking responsibility,
00:48:39I'm seeking forgiveness and I'm vowing to behave differently today, one day at a time.
00:48:45And there's nothing about the academic philosophy of free will that gets you to that point.
00:48:51It is both radical compassion for a self that's been shaped by forces beyond your control and
00:48:57a determination to seek whatever agency and responsibility that you can in this current
00:49:04present moment.
00:49:07So I think that addiction is an area in which we are starting to get to a both and perspective.
00:49:18When it comes to violence, we have a lot harder time doing that because then there's victims
00:49:22that aren't, you know, you can say like, oh, the addicts just hurting themselves.
00:49:25That's not usually true.
00:49:26There's also other people hurt by that.
00:49:28But keeping that tension in mind for other things like we do for addiction, I think is
00:49:42a move that's difficult to do, but I think a necessary one.
00:49:45Yeah, because the blast radius of damage begins to cover other people and in that we have desire
00:49:53for retribution, revenge to make an example of somebody, et cetera, et cetera, I guess.
00:49:58Is there not a relationship between people's genetics and their ability to choose or enact
00:50:04agency?
00:50:05Yeah, that's such a good question.
00:50:09I really do think that everyone has, I think that everyone can change.
00:50:16I don't think that everyone's capacity to change necessarily comes through their own willpower.
00:50:21I think often people change because their community helps them change.
00:50:25Does our willpower come from our own willpower?
00:50:27Yeah.
00:50:28I mean, I think everything about us is related to our genetics.
00:50:32Like there's no part of ourselves that's exempt from coming from the brain that we have.
00:50:38I think often people think of, "Well, my sins are the genetic part."
00:50:42That's the flesh, my addiction, my riskiness, my temptation, my tendency towards aggression.
00:50:50And then there's some willpower or overcoming part that's somehow not your body or somehow
00:50:56not your genes.
00:51:00Everything is related to your genetics, both your smoking and your quitting of smoking,
00:51:05both your addiction and your recovery.
00:51:08Even your belief in free will is heritable, is more similar and identical twins.
00:51:14Political persuasion, size of stomach, ghrelin release, dah, dah, dah, dah, dah, dah, dah,
00:51:19dah, dah.
00:51:20Again, heritability studies or twin studies or genetic studies are never going to tell
00:51:26you this part's your body because this other part is your soul or your spirit.
00:51:31It's all your body.
00:51:32It's turtles all the way down.
00:51:33It's genotype all the way down.
00:51:34You're never going to find some aspect of yourself that's sort of exempt from being embodied.
00:51:43I talk in my book about this study of twins reared apart where two of them met in later
00:51:52life and realized that they were both very religious and both believed in both free will
00:52:01as a reflection of God's grace.
00:52:04The author of the study was talking about the irony that they see themselves in terms
00:52:08of this spiritual freedom, but even that belief in their spiritual freedom is very similar
00:52:15to their long, long separated, identical times.
00:52:20I can see where you're going.
00:52:22Yeah, yeah, yeah.
00:52:23The study was done by this guy, Lyndon Eves, who was, in addition to being a behavior geneticist,
00:52:28also an Anglican priest, a fellow Englishman who came over to the United States.
00:52:35What I love about Dr. Eves' writing, I guess Reverend Eves' writing, is that he really resists
00:52:44either ors.
00:52:45He's like, "I am a man of the cloth, and also I have studies showing that your genes affect
00:52:53whether or not you believe God."
00:52:56How do we put those together?
00:52:58It's kind of a mystery of being human.
00:52:59It's messy, and this is one of the reasons why I think the behavioral genetics argument
00:53:06in the same way as the evolutionary psychology argument, I'm sure you've seen Corey Clark's
00:53:10study that she did a couple of years ago of what are the most reprehensible things to talk
00:53:14about, and the two that came up were your area of work in evolutionary psychology.
00:53:20It's much cleaner to say it is all environment, it is just blank slate all the way down.
00:53:27Because if we take ... We know that it can't be entirely ... The behavioral geneticists
00:53:31are never, apart from Huntington's, are never saying it's exclusively on your genes.
00:53:37As soon as you open the crack, the optics of the argument just fall apart because it's nowhere
00:53:41near as pithy as, "It's just environment, bro."
00:53:47Is there a difference in heritability of antisocial behavior that's sexed?
00:53:56Do men inherit more accurately?
00:54:03Is the heritability a greater effect on boys than it is on girls?
00:54:07Generally no, but there's one exception that I want to come back to.
00:54:12What we see is that the genes that are associated with antisocial behavior in boys also affect
00:54:19girls.
00:54:20If you have a fraternal twin ... If you're female and you have a fraternal twin that's
00:54:24a male sibling, then his antisocial behavior predicts your likelihood of manifesting it,
00:54:32that the same liabilities are reflected in the same way.
00:54:39The same genetic liabilities make you more likely to be physically aggressive, they make
00:54:42you more like to be relationally aggressive, they make you more likely to be substance
00:54:47using, they make you more likely to be risk taking.
00:54:50It's just for everything, the mean for men, the average for men is shifted up.
00:54:56The same impact would have a ... Sorry, the same raw materials would have a greater impact
00:55:01in real life.
00:55:02Yeah, yeah, yeah.
00:55:03The same way as women commit suicide ... Sorry, women attempt suicide more than men, but men
00:55:08commit suicide more than women.
00:55:10Their ability to enact violence, antisocial stuff tends to be greater, so it's magnified,
00:55:15right?
00:55:16Interesting.
00:55:17I think that is around social opportunity.
00:55:20For many years, women were very discouraged from drinking, very discouraged from smoking,
00:55:26so you saw a big sex difference in smoking and drinking.
00:55:31Now it's more socially acceptable for women to smoke and drink, and so that average difference
00:55:35has narrowed and it's the same genes that seem to be involved in VOE.
00:55:40The exception there is that most of our current studies have focused on what are called the
00:55:45autosomes, so we have 23 pairs of chromosomes.
00:55:49One pair is the sex chromosomes, XY or XX in typically developing children, and then the
00:55:54other 22 pair are the same across sexes.
00:56:00And nearly all of our contemporary studies have focused just on those 22 pairs of autosomes
00:56:06for kind of boring technical reasons that I'm not going to get into.
00:56:10We're just now really diving into the X chromosome to see is there something about the X chromosome
00:56:18that might have specific effects on antisocial behavior, and the reason why that's interesting
00:56:24is because men only have one X, whereas women have two, and so men are much more vulnerable
00:56:30to the effects of a genetic variant that's X-linked because they don't have another copy
00:56:36to compensate.
00:56:37Oh, that's so cool.
00:56:39So that's why colorblindness, for instance, is much more prevalent in men versus women
00:56:43because it's an X chromosome-linked genetic variant.
00:56:49That is so sick.
00:56:51So the reason why we think the X chromosome might be important is, and again just to back
00:56:58up a second, most of what we study in our lab is what we would call common genetic variation.
00:57:04So these are genetic differences between people that exist in at least 5%, sometimes people
00:57:10say at least 1% of the population.
00:57:13The thing about common genetic variants is that they're common, which means that they
00:57:20are likely to have a relatively small effect in isolation because if they had a big effect,
00:57:27evolution would make them not common, would weed them out very quickly.
00:57:29So you have this tradeoff between how common is a genetic variant and how powerful it is.
00:57:37So what we're looking at is lots of common genetic variants, each of which have a tiny
00:57:42effect, but if you add them all up, then you get an appreciable effect, one that's meaningful.
00:57:47But there are studies of rare genetic variants, and there's one very famous study that was
00:57:52done in the 1990s where they looked at a rare variant on a gene on the X chromosome, and
00:58:03that gene was called MAOA.
00:58:04So your monoamines are how your neurons are talking to each other, it's like serotonin's
00:58:10a monoamine, dopamine's a monoamine.
00:58:13So monoamine oxidase is an enzyme that basically is like a Pac-Man eating the neurotransmitter
00:58:21in your brain.
00:58:23And if it doesn't work well, then you get this incredible buildup of the signals that
00:58:29your brain ordinarily uses to communicate with each other.
00:58:31Okay, so why is that important?
00:58:33In this one family where they found this genetic variant on the X chromosome, it made the MAOA
00:58:44enzyme not work, and all the men in that family suffered from extremely serious antisocial
00:58:51behavior problems, whereas their sisters were completely typically functioning.
00:58:56So the men, one raped his sister, one committed arson, one stabbed his boss with a pitchfork,
00:59:05huge levels of antisocial violence in this family.
00:59:09And their sisters and their moms were like, "What the fuck is going on here?
00:59:14Why do my sons and my brothers keep doing this, and we don't have this problem?"
00:59:21And it's because they have two Xs.
00:59:23And so if they inherited the mutation, it didn't matter, because there was another functioning
00:59:28version of the body.
00:59:29To regress them back toward the main.
00:59:30To kind of dosage – like they could compensate for it.
00:59:34Whereas if you're a man and you only have one X and you got this, you know, 50/50 shot, which
00:59:38of your mom's Xs are you getting, 50/50 shot whether or not you were going to be antisocial.
00:59:44So that's a rare variant, you know, the vast majority of people who are deeply antisocial
00:59:50do not have this MAOA problem.
00:59:52Yeah.
00:59:53Can't use the MAOA excuse.
00:59:55They can't use the MAOA excuse.
00:59:58But I think it's important for two reasons.
01:00:00And one is that we think of our moral faculties as our ability to not go around stabbing our
01:00:06boss every time we're mad at him in moral terms, in spiritual terms, or in cognitive
01:00:13terms.
01:00:14And it turns out that it's very vulnerable to disruption.
01:00:17You can change one letter of your genome that changes one gene, which changes one enzyme.
01:00:24And that capacity is really, if not destroyed, very, very impaired.
01:00:30And so the extent to which our morality is a biological faculty, I think is very much
01:00:37supported by the fact that we can so profoundly disrupt it by this one change in our genome.
01:00:43And the other thing that I find so interesting about this case study is that these men were
01:00:50in the criminal legal system in the Netherlands.
01:00:54And no one was like, oh, this must be a genetic problem.
01:00:58They weren't not guilty by reason of insanity.
01:01:00They weren't, you know, lacking capacity to stand trial.
01:01:04They were indistinguishable from the rest of the offending population based just on their
01:01:10behavior.
01:01:11And the only reason we know that their behavior was due to this genetic cause is because of
01:01:17the familial data that made the pattern of transmission so clear.
01:01:23And I think that really brings up the question, how many other people who are persistently
01:01:29violent in families that are persistently violent, there might be some genetic or neurobiological
01:01:38explanation that we just haven't discovered yet.
01:01:41Like, we just don't know that.
01:01:43In the '80s, they would have considered it ridiculous, like, ugh, this persistently violent
01:01:48family.
01:01:49You're telling me it's because they have one gene that's wrong?
01:01:51Like, would have sounded like science fiction, but that was the case for this family.
01:01:57So we haven't in modern genomics turned our attention very often back to the X chromosome,
01:02:04but my lab's doing this now and I'm really excited about this project.
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01:03:24It kind of makes me think, well, if suffering and vice are highly inherited, how do we justify
01:03:35punishment?
01:03:36Yeah.
01:03:37That's the heart of the question.
01:03:42I want to pull apart two ideas, which were very confounded in my mind too, which is accountability
01:03:54and punishment.
01:03:56In my mind, punishment is deliberately making someone suffer as retribution for the harm
01:04:07that they've caused, whereas accountability is saying, "You've done this.
01:04:13You've harmed someone.
01:04:15We as a community are enforcing our rules that you don't get to do that, and we're doing what
01:04:20we need to do to keep you from doing it again and keep other people safe."
01:04:27The United States, we hold people accountable, but we do it through a very retributive punishment
01:04:34system.
01:04:35We incarcerate more people in worse conditions than any other country has ever done in the
01:04:40history of the world.
01:04:41I think it's more people were incarcerated at the height of mass incarceration than were
01:04:47ever put in the gulag by the Soviets.
01:04:50We have a truly massive incarceration, incarceral state here.
01:04:59I want to reframe your question, and I think your question's so good.
01:05:04Question is the question that I started my book at.
01:05:06I started my book thinking, "Well, can we justify punishing people?
01:05:14Who deserves to be punished based on what we know about science?"
01:05:19I have come to the conclusion that I don't think anyone deserves to suffer, and that doesn't
01:05:28mean that we have no rules and we don't hold people accountable.
01:05:33And pulling those two things apart is- It's a very unsexy argument.
01:05:37It's very unsexy.
01:05:38It's incredibly unsexy.
01:05:39Well, you know, because Americans like the either or.
01:05:43Simplicity.
01:05:44Simplicity.
01:05:45There's a philosopher, Hannah Picard, who writes about what she calls the rescue blame
01:05:52trap.
01:05:53And the rescue blame trap is this vacillation that we do where we say, "This person stabs
01:06:03his boss with a pitchfork.
01:06:05This person committed a horrible sexual crime.
01:06:09They did it.
01:06:10They deserve to be punished for it because they did it.
01:06:12They did this horrible thing."
01:06:16And then you think, "Oh, but they were maltreated.
01:06:19Oh, but their genes.
01:06:20Oh, but their neurobiology.
01:06:22Oh, but their extenuating circumstances."
01:06:25Maybe all of that rescues them from blame.
01:06:29And that lasts for about 35 seconds until you think about what a horrible thing they did,
01:06:35and then you go back to the rescue.
01:06:39And it's this very unsatisfying cycle that we do, see-sawing between this person is awful
01:06:49and – but I can also – I'm a scientist.
01:06:51I can think about all the extenuating circumstances.
01:06:56And it's unsexy and nuanced and difficult, and I think takes a lot of imagination, practical
01:07:03and moral.
01:07:04But what if you're trying to keep both of those things at the same – in your head at
01:07:08the same time?
01:07:09Rather than see-sawing back.
01:07:10Does that mean that somebody who commits a murder but has a particular genetic profile
01:07:14should get extenuating circumstances – should be treated in a different way by the court?
01:07:18I mean, I think that they – I mean, I think what we do now, which is like, let's lock
01:07:24you up with no therapy and no education and no possibility of ever being rehabilitated
01:07:30and never getting out again, that's not good for that person, which you might not care about.
01:07:36But we also know that it doesn't work to defer violent crime.
01:07:41Like, it's just like not very effective.
01:07:43I agree.
01:07:44I've had a couple of conversations about the ineffectiveness of like retributive justice,
01:07:49just punishing for the sake of it.
01:07:50Let's use something else that isn't quite as contentious as whether or not the penal
01:07:55system works well.
01:07:56Let's say that somebody has the genes to make them high desire for sexual novelty.
01:08:02They cheat in a relationship.
01:08:04They have every genetic variant under the sun that predisposes them to it.
01:08:10And their dad cheated on their mom.
01:08:12They had all of the environmental factors that reinforced it.
01:08:16Should that person's partner take them back more easily, knowing that they had – if we
01:08:21were able to say, "Well, my 23andMe on my IntelliX DNA came back and actually said that
01:08:26my dopamine – I've got the COMT variant, like the AA for this, which means that my dopamine
01:08:31baseline is higher and I process cortisol in a different way and I actually did it."
01:08:36I don't think so, no.
01:08:38Not necessarily.
01:08:39You know, the extenuating circumstances outside of the legal system I was trying to get to.
01:08:43So I think the cheating partner example is a great example because, one, I think it gets
01:08:49to why we find the kind of Roberts of Polsky determinist framework to be unsatisfying, which
01:08:57is that we matter to each other.
01:09:01We matter to each other in this way that we call ethical or that we call moral.
01:09:07And we have a long-evolved neurobiological architecture that is like I experience myself
01:09:15as a mind that makes choices and I experience you as a mind who makes choices.
01:09:19And when you make choices that hurt me, you can give me all the philosophical arguments
01:09:25all day long about why you were determined to cheat.
01:09:28I don't care.
01:09:30There's this philosopher, Peter Strassen, who was writing in the mid to late 20th century
01:09:37and he called these the reactive attitudes, which is the resentment, the blame, the praise,
01:09:43the admiration that we have to each other.
01:09:46And he basically said even if the thesis of determinism is true, there's no escaping the
01:09:54fact that we matter to each other in ways that generate these reactive attitudes.
01:09:59Do you not end up with a kind of genetic determinism that gets slipped in under a different guise
01:10:05with the predisposition of people towards certain types of behaviors, which is level of culpability
01:10:12changes, that there's an amount that you are culpable, there's an amount of you that did
01:10:16this thing, and then there's a bit of you that kind of didn't do this thing.
01:10:20Yes, and again, as a behavior geneticist, I do not think of it that way at all.
01:10:25Like it's sort of the way that people used to talk about the god of the gaps, the god
01:10:29was what we couldn't explain.
01:10:30I think people are tempted towards like a free will of the gaps, right?
01:10:34Like however much your behavior was heritable or genetically determined, that's the part
01:10:40that you're not responsible for.
01:10:42And then whatever is left over in the remainder is the part that you're responsible for.
01:10:48I think the condition of being human on this planet is that none of us chose to be who
01:10:53we are and we are responsible for all of ourselves anyways.
01:10:59And also that means that we should be kinder to each other and more reluctant to make each
01:11:06other suffer for the sake of suffering.
01:11:09Thinking about the genetic lottery and the fact that people start from different genetic
01:11:13baselines, certain people, if your impulse control is better, you're probably going to
01:11:21do better in school.
01:11:22You're probably going to do better in higher – I have to assume that you'll do better
01:11:24in higher education.
01:11:25It means more qualifications.
01:11:26You're less likely to be suspended for like bringing a gun to school.
01:11:29All of these things.
01:11:32And is it fair to say that one of the perspectives that you have about the world is that trying
01:11:39to re-level some of the genetic inequality so that everybody gets a more equal access
01:11:45to be able to be successful in life is one of the things that we should go for?
01:11:50I think it can be.
01:11:53If that's the case, when it comes to having somebody who stands in the accuser box or the
01:12:01accused, the persecutor box in court, should the same thing not happen but just in reverse?
01:12:07If we want to give a leg up to people who have a genetic profile, which makes them less
01:12:13amenable to the current reward system that this society has offered people, does that
01:12:18not mean the same thing just holds true when they've misbehaved as opposed to when they
01:12:22can't behave well?
01:12:24Yeah.
01:12:25So to some – okay.
01:12:26God, I have so many different responses to this.
01:12:28Like my mind is going five different places at once.
01:12:31So to some extent, we already do this and it's in the criminal sentencing phase of trials,
01:12:37which is the "mitigation phase."
01:12:40And this is where someone said – Insanity plea.
01:12:42No, not insanity.
01:12:44So insanity is are you going to be exempted from the normal criminal penalties entirely?
01:12:51So if you are actively psychotic at the time of the crime and you could not know that what
01:13:02you were doing is wrong and you could not have stopped yourself, then that's not guilty
01:13:07by reason of insanity, which is rarely attempted, even less commonly successful.
01:13:11I think it's like 1% of defendants get off by not reason by guilty of insanity.
01:13:16Androga Yates drowned her five children in Texas in the early 2000s.
01:13:23That's an example I talk about in my book of a not guilty by reason of insanity.
01:13:28What most people have is a – are you guilty or not?
01:13:32Did you do it or not?
01:13:33And that's not focused on, "Do you deserve to be punished?"
01:13:37That's focused on the facts of the – Did you do the thing?
01:13:41Did you do the thing?
01:13:43And then there's a separate phase, which is the sentencing phase, at least for a capital
01:13:46crime, where it's how much does this person deserve to be punished?
01:13:53And that is the point of the sentencing phase.
01:13:55And that's where people come in and you have what are called mitigation specialists.
01:13:59And their job is to humanize this defendant and say they were born preterm, they were
01:14:09born addicted to drugs, they were deeply maltreated by their parents, they were the victim of sexual
01:14:15abuse.
01:14:16Here are the things that have happened to them that might explain how they got to this place.
01:14:25What I find so interesting about that is there's this idea built into the system that some people
01:14:34have been negatively affected by luck.
01:14:37And then there's other people who haven't, right?
01:14:40There's – everyone got to the place where they were doing – if they're at this point
01:14:46in a criminal trial, they've all gotten to this place somehow.
01:14:52And then the options are, are you going to be incarcerated with no hope of rehabilitation
01:14:59forever versus only for 25 years?
01:15:03And that's different from how other societies in other countries treat this problem, which
01:15:08is someone has harmed someone else grievously, what do we do now?
01:15:16So I think this whole process of someone's done something and now we're going to try
01:15:24to adjudicate how much it was environmental luck versus some magical free will that they
01:15:30might have versus genetics and then we're going to try to send a blame value.
01:15:34Well, at no point have they brought genetics in.
01:15:36Well, that's what's – I mean, I find this fascinating on so many levels.
01:15:41And it goes back to how academic philosophy doesn't match the public conversation.
01:15:46The reason why they don't bring genetics in is because bringing genetics in tends to
01:15:51make jurors and judges either has no effect on their retributive sentiments or it actually
01:15:57makes them more retributive.
01:16:00Oh, what was that experiment?
01:16:02Wasn't this some – what was that experiment?
01:16:04It's a – okay, so there's an experiment where they have people – well, there's
01:16:09several but I'm going to tell you about this one – where they have just ordinary average
01:16:14Americans coming to the lab and they are given information about a number of hypothetical
01:16:23sperm donors and they say – some people say this sperm donor speaks French.
01:16:29This sperm donor is 6 foot 4.
01:16:31This sperm donor has a college education.
01:16:34This sperm donor has bipolar disorder.
01:16:36This sperm donor was later found to have committed a violent crime.
01:16:41And then they have to estimate what is the likelihood that a child conceived from this
01:16:46sperm would be tall, would graduate from college, would speak French, would also commit a violent
01:16:55crime themselves.
01:16:57And then they ask, okay, so in this situation in which the child conceived from the sperm
01:17:04donor, has committed a violent crime, here's details of the crime, you're on the jury,
01:17:12you have to recommend the sentence.
01:17:15How many years in prison do you think this person should get?
01:17:18So this person – I'm forgetting the exact details but it's something along these lines
01:17:25in the study.
01:17:26This person came up to a couple and they were leaving a movie theater and they tried to rob
01:17:31them and they ended up, you know, killing the male half of the couple with like a box cutter.
01:17:39So violent, impulsive, profit-oriented and so they're asked to put themselves in the
01:17:46jury's place.
01:17:47If you – I'm asking you this.
01:17:49So if you were a juror and you had this case in front of you, how many years in prison would
01:17:56you recommend as a sentence for that?
01:17:59Just from that crime.
01:18:00I don't know anything.
01:18:01Just from that crime, you don't know anything else?
01:18:0420?
01:18:05Yes.
01:18:06So that's right about the average.
01:18:07I think the average in the study is between 20 and 25 years.
01:18:11But what they find is that the people who believe that violence can be inherited, so the people
01:18:17who believe that if the sperm donor was violent, the child conceived from that sperm is violent
01:18:23regardless of their upbringing, actually suggested higher prison terms rather than lower.
01:18:29We need to keep that person incarcerated because they have so little control over their behavior
01:18:33that they might go and do it again.
01:18:35Yes, exactly.
01:18:36So there's this interesting thing where both genes and your environment combine, they interact,
01:18:42they're interwoven to shape the person that you become who's more or less likely to do
01:18:47these things.
01:18:48But people reason about the genetic causes and the environmental causes differently whereas
01:18:55the environmental causes are more likely to be seen as mitigating.
01:18:59If you say, "This person committed a crime, but he was beaten by his parents."
01:19:03Oh, wow.
01:19:04That is so crazy.
01:19:07Whereas if you say, "This person committed a crime, and his dad also was violent, and
01:19:12he maybe even has inherited genes and makes you more retributive."
01:19:17And that, again, from the perspective of a Sapolsky-style determinism, that makes no sense.
01:19:23They're both causes, but the average person, the average juror, the average judge reasons
01:19:30about the genetic causes and the environmental causes differently, which I have lots of thoughts
01:19:37as to why that is.
01:19:38But I think that's part of why we don't have ready answers for how does our growing knowledge
01:19:44of the genotype fit into our everyday blaming practices, is because we as a culture are so
01:19:55confused about, or not even confused, but we reason about these things in such different
01:20:00ways.
01:20:01Well, let me give you why I think, at least one-
01:20:02Yeah, what's your theory about why?
01:20:04One part of it, first off, that is fucking brilliant.
01:20:06I mean, it's tragic, but it's absolutely brilliant.
01:20:09The fact that you can have someone for whom all of the raw materials of being very aggressive
01:20:15and dysregulated and antisocial with low inhibition somehow makes them more deserving of retribution,
01:20:26and maybe in some ways actually less culpable, but more deserving of retribution because in
01:20:31future they may do it again.
01:20:33As opposed to this inherent sort of perspective we have, "Well, he was such a sweet boy until..."
01:20:41And then this thing happened and sort of perverted or molested the direction that he would have
01:20:45been a good person.
01:20:46I think most of us see good in everybody else, and that's probably a very right idea to sort
01:20:51of trust first and then scrutinize second.
01:20:54Personally, I think that the entire world needs to read the genetic lottery and blueprint by
01:21:02fucking Plowman because just nobody...
01:21:07The number of people who actually understand the genetic influence on behavior is essentially
01:21:13zero.
01:21:14It's essentially zero.
01:21:17And this has gotten worse, I think.
01:21:19We've learned less of it.
01:21:20We've somehow managed to unlearn shit.
01:21:23You even see this...
01:21:27Maybe it's that we don't know or that we ignore because there's some fascinating studies around
01:21:32when you ask women what sort of traits they want in a sperm donor versus what sort of traits
01:21:37they want in a partner, you get some really interesting differences.
01:21:41Because what you get to do is separate out the traits I want in my future children versus
01:21:50the traits I'm going to be attracted to.
01:21:52Because I don't need your investment.
01:21:54I don't need...
01:21:57So when you split those up, so just the fact that that exists shows that people, at least
01:22:02women, understand that their kids are going to be made of the raw materials of the person
01:22:08that they have them with.
01:22:09But I think the big problem is just a denial of the genetic influence on behavior or a lack
01:22:16of understanding or a belief that there is some sort of a limit.
01:22:21Every pervasive blank slate cysts perspective, which you were thrown into the bus for going
01:22:27against after your last book.
01:22:29Anytime that I want to try and talk about Plomin or embryo selection or anything, Hitler's got
01:22:38a lot to answer for, right?
01:22:39But this is another one of those things.
01:22:41We should definitely come back to embryo selection.
01:22:44So you said many interesting things in there.
01:22:46Thank you.
01:22:47There's, okay, so one interesting thing you said was with a guy who was abused, you can
01:22:53think, "Oh, but he was a sweet kid and then this happened."
01:22:57What you can do is you can imagine an alternate self, an alternate person where this didn't
01:23:05happen to him and you can empathize with this counterfactual.
01:23:09What would he have been like if he hadn't been abused or what would he be like if he hadn't
01:23:14gotten a brain tumor?
01:23:17Whereas with genes, it's much harder to come up with the alternate version of the person
01:23:26if they didn't have their genotype.
01:23:29And that gets into the idea of genetic essentialism.
01:23:33So genetic determinism is my genes made me do it, my genes determined my behavior, so
01:23:38maybe I'm less culpable for my behavior.
01:23:41And that's one frame that we can think about genes and it happens a lot, right?
01:23:45Like I am genetically predisposed to have a higher body weight.
01:23:53So therefore, I'm not at fault if I have a higher body weight.
01:23:58Like that's a conversation that we're having in our culture and that's a genetic determinist
01:24:01frame.
01:24:02But it can switch to a genetic essentialist frame where it's your genes caused you to
01:24:09be bad, to do a bad thing, therefore you are a bad person, like an inherently bad person.
01:24:17Genetic morality.
01:24:18Yes, you're bad to the bone, you're a natural born killer, you're bad seed, right?
01:24:24We have these English idioms that reflect an idea that we can kind of wander into, which
01:24:31is there is an essence to a person, there's a true self, there's a deep down thing that
01:24:37is Chris, and in a previous time we might have thought that was your soul or that was
01:24:43your spirit, and people talk about how genes have become a quote unquote essence placeholder.
01:24:50So now instead of talking about like Chris's immortal soul, we might think, well, Chris's
01:24:56genes are his true self, his deepest self.
01:25:00And it's when people switch from genetic determinism to genetic essentialism that genes stop being
01:25:07reliably mitigating because it's not you were shaped by luck and so therefore none of us
01:25:14is fully under – none of us – Nietzsche said something like no one dragged himself
01:25:20by the hair out of the swamp, right?
01:25:21Like no one is creating themselves from scratch.
01:25:25But if you switch to the essentialist frame, it's I don't care what your genes are.
01:25:29Your genes are who you really are and now you're telling me that this person is essentially
01:25:33bad?
01:25:34Like, why would that make me feel more sympathy for them?
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01:26:53What else has been experimentally tested around retribution?
01:26:58I'm pretty interested in the role that this has.
01:27:03Yeah.
01:27:04So retribution is something – so retribution is, in my mind, the desire to make another
01:27:13person suffer.
01:27:16It is an instinct that emerges very early in childhood development.
01:27:21There's some great work by Paul Bloom and his colleagues showing that, you know, three-year-olds
01:27:26are not that retributive, but by the time you're five, five-year-olds will pay stickers, you
01:27:34know, their version of money, this prize that they really like, in order to see someone who
01:27:40has been portrayed as taking away a ball clubbed by a puppet.
01:27:47So it's like children will pay to see someone that they think is a ball taker, like, physically
01:27:53hit.
01:27:54What do you think that is?
01:27:55What is the emotional drive for retribution?
01:27:57I think it's an evolved cooperation enforcement mechanism.
01:28:02I think that we experience dopamine being released.
01:28:09We experience this kind of neurobiological mechanism of wanting when we do things that
01:28:16historically have been good for human survival and fitness, right?
01:28:21We don't go walk around being like, oh, maybe I should eat in three days.
01:28:26Like, it feels good to eat.
01:28:27It feels good to have sex.
01:28:29It feels good to drink water, because we have to do all of that to exist and survive and
01:28:36propagate our genes.
01:28:38And we also feel good.
01:28:41We also see dopamine being released in the ventral striatum when we see someone who's
01:28:48been portrayed as a wrongdoer be made to suffer.
01:28:51Is that being tested experimentally?
01:28:53Yes.
01:28:54You can see that in the scanner.
01:28:55So ordinarily, if you see someone be hurt, you have an empathic response.
01:29:00But if that person who's being hurt is first portrayed as violating some cooperative or
01:29:05moral norm, then what you see in the scanner is that people show a pattern that's consistent
01:29:12with reward when they see that person suffer.
01:29:15And I think the fact that you see it in the same areas, in the same neurotransmitters as
01:29:20you see other basically rewarding processes is a clue that this is something that was necessary,
01:29:29that sense of at least outrage and willingness to endure some costs in order to enforce your
01:29:39cooperative norms against someone else.
01:29:41Willingness to endure some cost?
01:29:42So one way that we can also see whether or not someone's find something rewarding is are
01:29:50they willing to pay for it?
01:29:51Like children will pay sickers, adults will pay money.
01:29:56And so there's these economic games where you see how much digital money will someone pay
01:30:02for the opportunity to punish a freeloader.
01:30:06All of these are-
01:30:07But if it was somebody that hadn't been seen as a defector previously, they would be like,
01:30:11"Why am I going to give my money to punish this person that didn't do anything wrong?"
01:30:13I might even give you money to not punish the person that didn't do anything wrong.
01:30:16That would be pro-social.
01:30:17Yes, exactly.
01:30:18What it's got me thinking about, if we feel pleasure when somebody who is seen to have
01:30:27contravened some social contract is punished, this explains why Hitler called Jews vermin
01:30:36and rats to dehumanize them because that then legitimates that-
01:30:41And traitors, globalist traitors.
01:30:43That is their transgression, the othering thing makes sense.
01:30:47The reason that we want to care so much about our reputation makes an awful lot of sense
01:30:53because somewhere in the back of our mind, we realize if I'm not careful and if the optics
01:30:58of Chris or if the optics of Paige sufficiently poorly interpreted that not only might other
01:31:07people not want to support me, but other people might want to punish me and not only might
01:31:11they want to punish me, they might get pleasure from punishing me and they might get pleasure
01:31:15from watching other people punish me and they might even pay a cost in order to support it.
01:31:19So it really does reinforce what's important is not who you are.
01:31:27What's important is what other people think you are.
01:31:30And I think you see this play out, empathy is painful.
01:31:35To see someone be hurt and hurt for them, hurt with them is so uncomfortable.
01:31:43And if that person was a wrongdoer, then I could alchemize that pain into pleasure.
01:31:52And I think that gives us the temptation to search for the ways in which someone's been
01:31:58hurt.
01:31:59Oh, this is how I'm going to get some pleasure.
01:32:01My morality is going to stand on the shoulders of other people that have fallen behind.
01:32:05So we saw this two interesting things that were obviously in the middle of the fucking
01:32:08Epstein furore at the moment and a couple of things that I've noticed.
01:32:14First one was a bunch of memes floating around about Mark Zuckerberg and Jeff Bezos that
01:32:20neither of them seemed to appear in the Epstein emails, at least not yet.
01:32:25And they were sort of lauded as superchads of the internet because presumably they had
01:32:34the opportunity to go, but they didn't, something like that.
01:32:38And that made me think, oh, people see morality as zero sum so that those two people, by doing
01:32:45nothing differently to what they'd done yesterday to today, because the total amount of morality
01:32:52in the other people was decreased, the remaining people have sort of all been raised up by it.
01:32:58But the fact that this owner of a fashion brand and this shake were in the emails, but other
01:33:08people who are peers of theirs weren't, they lost so you gain.
01:33:13So there is this sort of supply, this fixed supply of morality and by some people losing
01:33:19it, others have been raised up.
01:33:22It wasn't just, you're not as bad as them, it's you're actively better than you were before.
01:33:27Yeah.
01:33:28The standards have shifted.
01:33:29Yeah.
01:33:30You have been increased by this.
01:33:31I thought that was really interesting.
01:33:32I mean, I think if you see any victim of violence, the process by which others then seize on what
01:33:46they might have ever done wrong in their life and transmit that, once you start noticing
01:33:52that pattern, it's really, really obvious.
01:33:55Can you say that in a different way?
01:33:57So someone is victimized by the police and there's a debate about whether or not the police
01:34:08were justified in hurting this person or whether the person was resisting arrest.
01:34:13And then you have this always, this outpouring of news about everything that this person has
01:34:22done in their life.
01:34:24And it's, they were an honor student, they love to play the guitar.
01:34:30And then it was like, no, they want shoplifted or they once kicked a tire five years ago.
01:34:36What is that?
01:34:37Like, why are we having this, not just in the incident, but everything leading up to it,
01:34:44this moral reckoning with whether or not this person ever did a bad thing or ever did an
01:34:52admirable thing.
01:34:54And I think the process behind that is really complicated.
01:34:58It's not just one process, not just one thing that's going into that kind of digging through
01:35:05the person who's died life.
01:35:08But if you remember that, if you're feeling empathy for someone suffering, you can toggle
01:35:16it over to pleasure if you can convince yourself that they're bad and they deserved it.
01:35:22It is such a temptation.
01:35:24It is so wild.
01:35:26That's such a temptation that's out there.
01:35:28Well, it's the freest, it's some of the freest pleasure that you're ever going to get as well.
01:35:34It's completely costless to you.
01:35:36And you would be familiar with the bless her heart effect from evolutionary psychology.
01:35:42That's one of the reasons that female intersexual competition has venting, whereas male intersexual
01:35:48competition tends not to in quite the same way.
01:35:51And it's, Paige, I'm really worried about Jenny.
01:35:57She just keeps on sleeping with all of these guys.
01:35:59And I'm so worried about her.
01:36:00Oh, it's like faux concern.
01:36:02Yeah.
01:36:03It's venting.
01:36:04Now, what is couched under prosocial concern for somebody else is actually a way of spreading
01:36:13rumor.
01:36:14But implicit in that is, I mean, I would never sleep with her.
01:36:20No, of course.
01:36:21I mean, not me, but I'm worried about Jenny.
01:36:23So it's this sort of very paternalistic, very caring.
01:36:26But what you get with this is something not too dissimilar where your morality gets to
01:36:34stand on the shoulders of somebody else's.
01:36:37So not only are you getting the pleasure at this person who, rightly or wrongly, you think
01:36:41is a defector of the social laws, but you, by pointing it out, also, everyone else gets
01:36:50to see you as always good, that Christine was there to tell us about the bad behavior
01:36:56of Jenny.
01:36:57Isn't that so?
01:36:59Your morality gets to stand on their shoulders.
01:37:01I think there are a lot of combining reward pathways to get people to behave in this sort
01:37:11of a manner.
01:37:12Their sense of social righteousness gets raised up.
01:37:16They just endogenously get pinged with a fucking ton of dopamine for having done this thing.
01:37:23They get to, potentially, the sort of justified self-deception or true, honest approach to
01:37:30this is that person needs to be told that they've misbehaved and pushed out.
01:37:35Potentially, we need to be protected from them.
01:37:37So they need to be outcast sufficiently.
01:37:40And it's all messed up.
01:37:42Do they?
01:37:44Should they be on the outside or are we actually …
01:37:47Yeah.
01:37:48And I think, so this idea of like, you just said pushed out, right?
01:37:53Like pushed out, this idea that we're deciding who gets the protection of the group and who
01:37:59is going to be cast as an outsider, as a moral reprobate, as someone who deserved it.
01:38:04And then they can be pushed out.
01:38:05They can be pushed out of life and we still feel pleasure out of it.
01:38:10The other thing about the pleasure of retribution, thinking about that changed my thinking is
01:38:21we have evolved pleasure at eating sugar that was necessary for our survival of our species.
01:38:31And then now we're in an environment where you can either feed that sugar on steroids,
01:38:39under-processed foods with no other nutritional value …
01:38:41You're thinking about scapegoating on steroids.
01:38:44Right.
01:38:45And or you can say that evolved desire is important and it's not going away and I'm not going
01:38:54to academic philosophy my way out of it, but I'm also not going to let it lead.
01:38:59You're saying we need a Zen pick for retribution.
01:39:02And I mean, or I think we need like a better food culture for retribution.
01:39:08I really think that so much of American culture is predicated on feeding people that retributive
01:39:17version of empty calories.
01:39:19How can I get you to feel good at other people's suffering and convince you that you're, and
01:39:28you get to feel like a good person while you're doing it, like what a drop.
01:39:35In my new book, I talk about this trial that took place in Norway when there was … Norway
01:39:44has so much less crime, so much less violent crime.
01:39:49The United States does.
01:39:50They incarcerate way fewer people.
01:39:52They incarcerate them in less harsh institutions for much shorter periods of time.
01:39:58It's very rare for them to have like a mass shooting event, but they did.
01:40:05They had this guy, Anders Breivik, who shot I think 60 children on an island.
01:40:13They were there for a summer camp.
01:40:14It was the worst mass murder in Norway's history.
01:40:19This is someone who had terrible genetic and environmental luck.
01:40:24He had a very unstable mother, and it also … He was described as someone who's antisocial
01:40:30from the time he was three or four.
01:40:34Norway has this incredible wraparound social welfare state, and so you can see the …
01:40:41High visibility.
01:40:42… the notes from the social worker being like this child is aggressive and violent.
01:40:46The other kids aren't allowed to play with him because he keeps torturing their pets when
01:40:50he's five.
01:40:52So even in this environment where there's incredible social resources, this person still
01:40:58grew up and still grew up to be violent.
01:41:01I found the trial fascinating because they ultimately sentenced him to the maximum sentence
01:41:11in Norway, which is 21 years.
01:41:12Doesn't seem like a lot.
01:41:14It's what, like four months per child?
01:41:17And they gave him … He's in the maximum security prison, which … There was an Instagram
01:41:24meme, which is, "Is this a Norwegian prison or a London hotel room?"
01:41:29And people can't tell the difference between them.
01:41:32The only thing that puts it away is the security camera dome on the ceiling of the prison room.
01:41:38So things that seem quite cushy for an American system.
01:41:43And in the trial, you see the reckoning of a society where they are saying, "This person
01:41:51did a horrible thing.
01:41:54We have our maximum retributive impulses towards him.
01:41:58Of course we do.
01:41:59He murdered our children.
01:42:03And he is still one of us.
01:42:04And how will it corrupt us and our culture to indulge those maximum impulses?"
01:42:11So we want to keep our society safe, but we're recognizing that he's still one of us.
01:42:17He's still Norwegian.
01:42:18He's still part of our society.
01:42:20And from an American perspective, it was wild, reading this trial transcript, because it was
01:42:27a way of feeling that retribution, but not leading entirely with it, and also recognizing
01:42:38the inherent humanity of this person who's part of their society.
01:42:44Do you think somebody that shot 60 kids has that much humanity?
01:42:47I think we all have that humanity.
01:42:50I mean, I think that's what it comes down to.
01:42:51I think that every single person, even when they do horrible things, is still human.
01:42:58And also that even if they don't, that me treating them like they don't does something to my humanity.
01:43:06That seems to be two different arguments.
01:43:09They are.
01:43:10So they're related.
01:43:11Yeah.
01:43:12Of course.
01:43:13I'm trying to separate them out.
01:43:14I mean, yeah, I was about to say something before that my ability to flip empathy into
01:43:22pleasure at a defect as pain pathway is defunct.
01:43:30I always seem to err on the side of, oh, I'm so sorry for that person.
01:43:36Always, always, always.
01:43:40You've managed to find an example where, not just one, but my threshold for it tends to
01:43:45be a bit higher.
01:43:46So I'm thinking about this person that shot 60 kids.
01:43:53The residual amount of humanity in that person seems to be very low for me in how I would
01:43:59see them.
01:44:01That to me seems to be the kind of thing, even if you were to say, what does this do for
01:44:05society outside of it?
01:44:07That is such a heinous crime that I'd say it is so far beyond even the normality of abnormal
01:44:16crime that that should be a, you don't get to come out again.
01:44:23And that would be a pro-social, as far as I can see, that would be a pro-social thing to
01:44:26do.
01:44:27I would say, hey, we have a limit here in Sweden, Norway, here in Norway, we have a limit.
01:44:34We may be very loving and a fun accent, like a typewriter covered in foil kick downstairs,
01:44:41but this person has gone beyond the limit.
01:44:46Therefore, other people shouldn't, so I guess warning them off.
01:44:51But the other one being like, that is such an extreme crime.
01:44:57The likelihood of, even if his desire to murder children drops by one per year over the next
01:45:05six decades, he still wants to murder a child.
01:45:08I'm aware that's not the way that a fall off the murder desire was.
01:45:13I got this weird line graph in my head.
01:45:17Of course.
01:45:18It's murder, desire, inertia, or whatever the fuck.
01:45:23To me, that seems weak.
01:45:24That seems wimpy.
01:45:25I don't think that that is a sufficient deterrent to others, and I also don't think it is a sufficient
01:45:32amount of time to basically quarantine this person.
01:45:35There's so many different threads in your argument, and I want to pull them apart because I think
01:45:41they're each interesting.
01:45:42In some ways, it's like you just touched on why do we incarcerate people?
01:45:48Why do we have a criminal legal system?
01:45:50What is the purpose of it?
01:45:52One is just containment, just protecting the other people from this person.
01:46:00I do believe in Norway it's possible that at the end of the sentence, he's judged to still
01:46:05be a risk to others, then that sentence could be lengthened for the sake of other people.
01:46:12One is some sort of expression of retribution.
01:46:17I don't care if you could be better in the future.
01:46:20I don't care if you've lost the privilege.
01:46:27You did something that's beyond the pale, and now you deserve to not live.
01:46:33You deserve to suffer.
01:46:34You deserve whatever that is.
01:46:36And then one of them is rehabilitation.
01:46:40So given that someone has done this, is there some intervention by the state, by other people
01:46:49that can prevent it from happening again, essentially repair this person and repair their relationship
01:46:58to the community such that they don't commit any more violent crime?
01:47:09Your answer combined all of those things where you're like, "But what if he's still a danger,
01:47:14and also he did such a horrible thing.
01:47:17Maybe it doesn't matter if he's a danger, and also if this is such a long-rooted problem,
01:47:22how could he ever hope to change?"
01:47:25I'm really interested by the word "weak."
01:47:29Like what is it?
01:47:31It's weak by the state.
01:47:33It's weak by the juror.
01:47:36It reflects weak social bonds.
01:47:39What is being weak where?
01:47:44It's an interesting- It is insufficient when held up.
01:47:54You asked me earlier on, this person stabbed one guy with a boxcar, and I gave him 20 years.
01:48:00Homeboy managed to do it to 60 children.
01:48:04Have you considered the role of 120 parents needing to feel vindicated?
01:48:15I think there's this idea of vindication and also this sense of- I guess I should say, I
01:48:23was very moved by this outcome.
01:48:24I'm not saying that you're defending the guy just doing the thing or getting the 20 years.
01:48:28I do think it speaks to a very different way of thinking of the role and function of punishment
01:48:35in a society because it is so radically different from what we would do in the United States.
01:48:39But I just want to echo, I'm a mother, I have three kids.
01:48:42If I were one of those parents, would I be able to coolly sit here and talk to you about
01:48:48not letting their retributive instinct lead?
01:48:51I'm not sure.
01:48:52The only time I've ever blacked out in anger was when someone hurt one of my children.
01:48:56I think there's a really basic thing in there.
01:48:58I think the other thing that you're getting at is we signal the value of people by how
01:49:09much we're willing to punish others who've hurt them.
01:49:15When we say one of the things that denotes or comes along with the status of being an
01:49:28enslaved person in a culture is that their masters get to hurt them and there's no punishment
01:49:36for that.
01:49:39I think one of the things you're picking up on when you say what about those parents is
01:49:45does it signal something about the value of those children or the value of those children
01:49:50to their parents or their society, to the collective if someone is not punished for hurting them?
01:49:59A lot of times when someone does something outrageous, not even outrageous as mass murder,
01:50:06we say, "Who do you think you are?"
01:50:11I think that's saying, "Who do you think I am that you think you can get away with treating
01:50:15me like this?"
01:50:16We assert the value of people.
01:50:18That's part of the social signal of punishment.
01:50:20I think that's why it rankles.
01:50:24I don't think there is any response to harm, especially harm at that level where there isn't
01:50:33going to be some remainder that feels unsatisfying.
01:50:37Either we're going to –
01:50:40Kill him.
01:50:41Burn him and kill him.
01:50:42String him up and burn him and kill him.
01:50:43Well, what does that do to us?
01:50:44I think that really – I think what does that do to our society's, again, honoring of the
01:50:56inherent value of every human if we are so easy for anyone to say, "String him up."
01:51:03Good riddance.
01:51:05There is a really – our response to our most antisocial people can bring out the most callous
01:51:12and unemotional and anti-social instincts of ourselves where you would never and under
01:51:20any circumstances be like, "Let him die," but in this case, it comes so easily to us.
01:51:27Again, I don't think there is a perfect solution to the problem of harm, but I do think by looking
01:51:33to other societies, we can begin to think, well, what are we overemphasizing in our approach
01:51:41to this, which is very – people deserve to suffer and our job is just to figure out how
01:51:47much they deserve to suffer.
01:51:49Well, definitely the retribution for something like addiction or psychopathy feels very different
01:51:54to antisocial disorder retribution, but really, that's only because the first two are more
01:52:01pathologized and we have names for them, but if we start to sort of take the behavioral
01:52:06genetics red pill, then we go, well – Take the pill, the behavioral genetics pill.
01:52:11Well, you know, you start to think that person that's an addict might not have had that much
01:52:17of a predisposition toward it and might actually have some pretty strong genetic influences
01:52:24toward willpower and they chose to do this thing and they chose to – or that psychopath
01:52:30who's acting in this way is sort of choosing to be callous.
01:52:33It's not so much outside of their – you know what I mean?
01:52:37You can see where I'm talking here, whereas the person who's antisocial disorder could
01:52:41have been fighting against all of the tides of their genetic predisposition and their epigenetic
01:52:45impact and the upbringing that they had and so on and so forth, because we don't have this
01:52:51global perspective, I can't see through you and see sort of what contributes, what is left
01:52:57inside – I mean, I think this is where –
01:53:00There will always be a gap between science, which is about averages and trends and statistical
01:53:07patterns and biography, which is – this is the individual person and I know exactly how
01:53:13these combined in this individual person and I can see what could have gone differently.
01:53:19I began my new book – well, the first real – first full chapter of the book, I began
01:53:25with this letter that I got from someone in prison in Texas and he's been there for his
01:53:33whole adult life.
01:53:34He's been there since he was 16 and he committed a sexually violent crime, kidnapping a woman
01:53:44at knife point, an awful thing.
01:53:47I think when he was 15, since he's been in prison since he was 16 and then he's been in
01:53:53an adult kind of notorious prison in Texas since then and he wrote me this letter and
01:54:03he said – there was an article in Texas Monthly magazine about my lab and so he said, "I read
01:54:09about you in Texas Monthly and I know some people don't believe in behavioral genetics,
01:54:17but I do.
01:54:18I think the apple doesn't fall far from the tree."
01:54:20The idea of not believing in behavioral genetics is hilarious, but please go on.
01:54:25And then he wrote me this series of questions and one of them was, "What do you think makes
01:54:32a child go bad, nature or nurture?"
01:54:36And it was – I mean, it was such – one, like most of the male – 99% of the male I
01:54:41get at my university mailbox is like academic journals.
01:54:46So this was very surprising to get this letter and then I got it and I opened it and he had
01:54:54cut out cartoons from other magazines and taped them to the letter and one of them was this
01:55:00white tiger on a psychoanalyst couch.
01:55:04And the caption goes, "They train me to perform, but when I do what I'm really good at, they
01:55:10go ballistic."
01:55:11Oh, that's great.
01:55:13And just funny and dark and also like, oh, this is coming from someone who's in jail for
01:55:19a sexually violent crime.
01:55:21Like that's a new show on that cartoon.
01:55:24And, you know, he's asking – he was asking me the same question that you're asking me,
01:55:29which I think we're – which I don't think has an answer because I think it is part of
01:55:35the tension of being a modern human.
01:55:39Why did I do this thing?
01:55:42Why do you as a scientist think I did this thing?
01:55:46And when I was reflecting on it, it's like, well, I can give you a scientific answer.
01:55:50Like on average, people who are exposed to lead and abused as children and had labor and
01:55:58delivery complications and had a certain set of genetic variants, these things combine to
01:56:03make you more likely to commit a violent crime.
01:56:06But is that really why he's writing me?
01:56:11Like does he want a science lesson or is he – like I think when people ask why, they're
01:56:17really asking, was it all my fault?
01:56:19Yep, yep.
01:56:20Am I okay?
01:56:21Do I have hope for change?
01:56:22Am I okay?
01:56:23They're looking for a different story about themselves.
01:56:27And this is someone who on paper might seem like you didn't even make it to 15 years old
01:56:35without raping a woman.
01:56:37Like why should we – but there's some part of him that's asking why.
01:56:41And there's some parts of him that wants information.
01:56:44And that to me speaks to something very universal and human.
01:56:48I think it is a really understandable thing to have done something and you're like, why
01:57:00did I do that?
01:57:01Am I a stranger to myself?
01:57:03Does this mean that it's all my fault?
01:57:05Could I have done differently?
01:57:06Will I do differently in the future?
01:57:08Something that we don't necessarily ask ourselves that with the same level of like sanguine
01:57:14reflection when we do something that's outside our positive bound of what we thought we were
01:57:18able to do.
01:57:19Yeah.
01:57:20We don't – we flatter ourselves with – I scored that goal.
01:57:24I mean, you know, like yeah.
01:57:27It takes a very particular sort of person to go, I don't know where that came – I don't
01:57:29know where that skill came from.
01:57:31I don't know where that romantic gesture for Valentine's Day came from.
01:57:33I don't know where that level of love and depth and reflection came from.
01:57:36That's interesting.
01:57:37I think with writing, I definitely have that experience where –
01:57:40Fuck, where did the sentence come from?
01:57:42It's better than my upper bound.
01:57:44I'll look back on writing that I've done in the past and I'm like, that's not bad.
01:57:49And I have no conscious memory of writing it and –
01:57:52I get that.
01:57:53That idea of genius is not something about you but a genius is some sort of, you know,
01:57:59inspiration in the ether that can –
01:58:00Moves through you.
01:58:01And that moves through you.
01:58:02I find that it really – whenever I've seen my work where I'm like, that's not terrible.
01:58:09I actually am less likely to think of it as mine.
01:58:16What have you learned about the epigenetic inheritance stuff?
01:58:20Yeah.
01:58:21I mean, so the idea of epigenetic inheritance, so the idea of – so your genome is your DNA,
01:58:28your DNA sequence and then your epigenome, which is – and your DNA is the same in every
01:58:34cell in your body and it's the same every day of your life, whereas your epigenome is
01:58:39everything on top of your genome that affects how the genome is read in a cell.
01:58:45Your epigenome is why your neurons are different than your liver cells and why you look different
01:58:50than you did when you were nine.
01:58:51You have the same DNA but you have a different body now and that's because of these epigenetic
01:58:56changes.
01:58:58So epigenetic inheritance is this idea that not just the DNA sequence but something about
01:59:05the epigenetic marks that affect how the gene is read could be transmitted from parent to
01:59:13offspring.
01:59:14That is a really difficult and controversial area of research.
01:59:18Like some biologists think that humans do not inherit the epigenome.
01:59:24What egg and sperm cells do is they strip out most of the epigenetic mark so that they
01:59:30aren't inherited.
01:59:31There is some animal models in mice that – Do we not just see one about exercise?
01:59:38Probably in mice maybe.
01:59:40The children of mice that had exercised more were –
01:59:43Yes.
01:59:44Yeah.
01:59:45So in humans, research on epigenetic inheritance is really hard to do in multiple generations
01:59:50of data.
01:59:51I think confounding is terrible and I'm okay with social and political controversies but
01:59:57even I have not waded into epigenetic inheritance.
02:00:01I do do stuff on epigenetics within the lifespan of a child.
02:00:05Okay.
02:00:06Right?
02:00:07So like how does your environment – What's real and what's bullshit about epigenetics?
02:00:10Oh gosh.
02:00:12I mean I think there's these cultural memes about like all of trauma is epigenetically
02:00:18inherited or that you can't believe anything from behavior genetics because it's all actually
02:00:25epigenetics.
02:00:26I think those are vast oversimplifications.
02:00:31I think we understand – I gave a talk for a group of students on campus last week and
02:00:37they were like, "Well, how do you – I'm not really that interested in genes because
02:00:42of everything we know about epigenetics."
02:00:44And I was like, "What do we know about epigenetics?
02:00:48What exactly are you thinking about?"
02:00:51This is actually a very new area of research – What did they say?
02:00:54They had no answer to that question.
02:00:57Great statement.
02:01:00So I mean I'm fascinated – the sort of epigenetics that I study is called DNA methylation.
02:01:07So methylation is the addition of a methyl group which is kind of like a chemical tag
02:01:13that binds to the DNA sequence at particular spots and changes how DNA is expressed.
02:01:23And I'm really interested in the DNA methylation particularly in children because I'm interested
02:01:31in the idea that we can look at how poverty or stress or trauma or insults to health that
02:01:40are ultimately going to affect your aging 60 years later.
02:01:45How are they getting under the skin in early life long before we can actually see any of
02:01:51these health problems?
02:01:52Like we know that children who are for instance being raised in poverty are likely to die sooner.
02:01:59It's very hard to see the health consequences of poverty when children are four because four-year-olds
02:02:04are healthy.
02:02:05Like four-year-olds all look healthy.
02:02:07But is that not – how do you know the difference between epigenetic impact and just during
02:02:13a period where you really needed to feed a body and an immune system.
02:02:18It didn't have the fuel to be able to do it.
02:02:20The epigenetic stuff feels to be a little bit more deep and long-lasting as opposed to this
02:02:26is a more transient important period where – like if you just never went to the gym.
02:02:31Well, I'm smaller and weaker but I'm smaller and weaker because I didn't do the thing required
02:02:35to make me big and strong.
02:02:36Yeah.
02:02:37I mean I – so that's – you're right that like there's a phenotype of a child which is
02:02:41like what is their growth status?
02:02:44Are they overweight?
02:02:45Are they too short for their age?
02:02:46Do they have more infections than usual?
02:02:49And the epigenome is getting at something that's like more at the level of the cellular machinery.
02:02:56And although it's controversial whether or not epigenetic marks can be transmitted from
02:03:02parent to child, we know that they are propagated across cell division.
02:03:07So part of how your epigenome works now is because your epigenome was changed when you
02:03:14were five and those epigenetic marks, even though you have different cells now because
02:03:19they've been replicating this whole time, those same epigenetic processes have been carried
02:03:24over across all that cell division.
02:03:26Yeah.
02:03:27I've heard something about that this is probably getting into the realm of what one of your
02:03:30students tried to ask you last week.
02:03:32Yeah.
02:03:33Uh, that when the epigenetic dial is turned up for a particular – however something is
02:03:39being expressed, it is very difficult to turn that back down.
02:03:43Oh, I don't – that's an interesting question.
02:03:47I don't know if that's true on a general level.
02:03:49A kind of lock-in of this thing happened, the expression is occurring at this particular
02:03:55level and that is now the level it's going to continue at.
02:03:59I think generally speaking what I do think is a general pattern is that it's just much
02:04:07harder to change your epigenome in adulthood than it is in childhood.
02:04:12So if we look at measures of the epigenome at 60, they're very correlated with where
02:04:17you were at 70.
02:04:18If you look at it at 40, they're very correlated with where you were at 50.
02:04:20That doesn't mean that, you know, health interventions don't matter, health interventions can definitely
02:04:25make a difference in middle age and older adulthood, but where you see the most flux in what is
02:04:32the epigenome doing, what is behavior doing, what is body weight doing, is in the first
02:04:3710 years of life.
02:04:38I mean, and that's kind of across the board.
02:04:40Like childhood is our period of peak plasticity and then –
02:04:44Including epigenetic plasticity.
02:04:46Including I think epigenetic plasticity.
02:04:47That's cool.
02:04:48That's a cool way to think about it.
02:04:49What's some of the interesting studies around in utero epigenetic changes?
02:04:55Because, you know, we do have some periods where for a brief amount of time, every girl
02:05:00that is watching was inside of their grandmother.
02:05:04Yes.
02:05:05Isn't that fascinating?
02:05:06So cool.
02:05:07And, you know, the canonical studies on this are ones where you've had like a – in humans
02:05:12at least – are where you've had a very serious insult or deprivation at a particular point
02:05:19in pregnancy.
02:05:21So for instance, when the Nazis blockaded Holland, there was this very serious famine
02:05:27in Holland.
02:05:30But it affected different regions of the country differently.
02:05:33And also people just happened to be pregnant for different parts of their pregnancies during
02:05:40the –
02:05:41So you had a little split test.
02:05:42What?
02:05:43You had a little split test.
02:05:44Some were first trimester, some were second, some were third.
02:05:45Yes.
02:05:46And then some were just across the border, but they were getting food from somewhere else.
02:05:49And so they were just like the village next door, but they were not nearly as affected
02:05:52by the Nazi blockade, and so they never had so much famine.
02:05:57And you see that the children and then I think the grandchildren of those moms who were starved
02:06:07when they were pregnant have worse health outcomes.
02:06:11They have higher body weight.
02:06:12They have higher rates of antisocial behavior.
02:06:15And we're seeing that in our research too, that the second trimester in particular is
02:06:20like a very sensitive period of time potentially for the development of – for brain development,
02:06:27for the development of lots of behavioral –
02:06:28Same thing goes – is it mothers that go into poverty?
02:06:30I've seen – is it Joyce Benenson?
02:06:32I feel like she did something to do with this.
02:06:34Yes.
02:06:35So we're working now – I'm not allowed to talk about the results yet, but I'm pretty
02:06:40excited about them.
02:06:42We're looking – we're working with a group that has – is doing a cash transfer – unconditional
02:06:48cash transfer.
02:06:49So essentially cash gifts to low-income moms.
02:06:53So some moms get 30 extra dollars a month and some moms get $300 extra per month.
02:06:58And then the kids have been followed.
02:07:00They're now six.
02:07:01And so we are looking at did cash to moms change the children's epigenetics.
02:07:08And the mechanism that that would move through would be moms had an alleviation of stress,
02:07:13less cortisol, better nutrition.
02:07:16So there seems to be – moms who get money don't report that many much lower levels
02:07:21of stress.
02:07:22They do report more – being better able to breastfeed as long as they wanted to.
02:07:29And they delayed the start of childcare.
02:07:32So if they wanted to stay home with the baby for longer, they could.
02:07:35This feels less epigenetic.
02:07:37And they also – it improves the nutrition of the child.
02:07:43So they're spending the extra money on – So I get it.
02:07:46This to me doesn't feel that epigenetic though.
02:07:48This is just – look at attachment theory.
02:07:51If the kid gets ripped away from mom, what is that imbuing into their nervous system?
02:07:58What is the learned nervous system behavior?
02:08:02So it's interesting that you say that that doesn't feel epigenetic to you.
02:08:05Because in some ways, every behavioral change is going to be somewhat epigenetic.
02:08:11Because again, you have the same genotype your whole life.
02:08:15So if you're changing, something is – and not change is coming from your body.
02:08:22There's a little record that's being made.
02:08:23Okay, that's interesting.
02:08:24I mean, I – this is one of the reasons I was excited to speak to you about epigenetics
02:08:28because I haven't done – I need to ask you who the best person to talk about.
02:08:32Like who's the spicy world expert?
02:08:34Who's the plowman of epigenetics?
02:08:35Probably Steve Horvath.
02:08:37I've been in touch with him.
02:08:39I should bring him on.
02:08:40Yeah, he's the epigenetic age.
02:08:41I should bring him on.
02:08:42There was this episode of the Kardashians where Kim and Khloe get their epigenetic age measured.
02:08:51I think with blood, although it could have been with saliva, and one of – so there's
02:08:55these DNA methylation clocks that were trained on how old you are in years or trained in how
02:09:03many years you have left to live.
02:09:06And then now with new people, you can be like you're – I don't know how old you are.
02:09:1037.
02:09:1137.
02:09:12You're 37, but epigenetically, you're more like a 32-year-old or – and that would predict
02:09:17you having a longer lifespan.
02:09:19So it's this kind of biological age.
02:09:21Different to doing telomeres.
02:09:22Yes, it's different.
02:09:23So telomeres is the end of your DNA, whereas this is the pattern of those methyl groups
02:09:29attaching to your – and so there's this funny scene.
02:09:33Where they're like talking about doing these epigenetic age clocks.
02:09:38And Kim Kardashian says, "Oh, we're going to do the Horvath test," after Steve Horvath,
02:09:42who's an epigenetic researcher.
02:09:44And Khloe Kardashian – I think it's Khloe – goes, "Horbath?
02:09:49Horsbath?"
02:09:50And she just keeps mishearing Steve Horbath's name as Horsbath.
02:09:54Imagine that.
02:09:55The most people on the planet that will ever hear your name is one of the Kardashians mispronouncing
02:10:00it over and over again.
02:10:01When I see "Horbath," I would have that in every slide for every talk.
02:10:04Horz-vath.
02:10:05Quotation.
02:10:06Horz-vath.
02:10:07Khloe Kardashian.
02:10:09Fantastic.
02:10:10Okay.
02:10:12What did you learn about the role of luck through motherhood?
02:10:15Oh, gosh.
02:10:17I mean, I think that becoming a parent is the riskiest thing you could do.
02:10:23In some ways, it's the most optimistic gamble you could ever make.
02:10:27And in my new book – I should say the name – my new book is called Original Sin.
02:10:33I feel like my publisher would want me to say the title of it.
02:10:36In my new book, I quote the writer Andrew Solomon, who wrote this fabulous book called Far From
02:10:44the Tree, which is all about parents and children who are very different from each other.
02:10:49So deaf children of hearing parents or normally-functioning parents who have savants, chess or music prodigies
02:10:59as children.
02:11:01And in the introduction to his book, he writes, "Reproduction is a myth.
02:11:09No children are reproduced.
02:11:11Children are produced."
02:11:13And as a behavioral geneticist, I think that's a perfect description of I have my genes, my
02:11:19partners.
02:11:20I have children with my first husband and my second husband, so that's why I'm saying partners.
02:11:25I'm not in a ruffle.
02:11:27My children's dads, they have their genes, and we have recombined them in ways that are
02:11:35unpredictable with every single one of our children.
02:11:40I think there's something like 70 trillion possible combinations that each set of partners
02:11:49could have with all their potential kids.
02:11:51And if you think about that, about how different those children could be and how much their
02:11:57characteristics are going to shape your life just as much as you shape your kids' life,
02:12:01you really are opening yourself up to fortune, I think, every time you produce a child.
02:12:09And so many parents describe this phenomenon where they have a kid, and they're like, "I'm
02:12:14a really good dad.
02:12:15I'm a really good mom.
02:12:16I'm doing everything perfectly, if you have your easy baby first."
02:12:19And then you have your second kid, and you're like, "This person is totally different.
02:12:26Same mom, same dad, but they don't sleep at the same time.
02:12:28They don't eat at the same time.
02:12:30Their temperament is different.
02:12:31How they respond to how I parent them is different."
02:12:34So my children didn't ask to be here.
02:12:38They were thrown into consciousness and then brought home from the hospital with this genetic
02:12:47package that no one had control over and a family environment that they don't have any
02:12:52control over, and you know, they're so different from one another.
02:12:57They're so different from one another.
02:12:59And I really feel like my role as a mom is to, "Who did I get?
02:13:05Like who am I getting to know?"
02:13:09While they get a grip on what it means to be on this planet.
02:13:13So I have a picture in their room, and it's a print from an artist I like, Hailey Bateman,
02:13:20and it says, "It's a miracle we ever met."
02:13:23And that's really how I feel about them.
02:13:25I met these people who were so different from me and so different from each other based on
02:13:34the luck of the draw.
02:13:37And now we have to ride out this relationship with each other.
02:13:39You know, we have to figure out how to attach while they grow up.
02:13:45What's your perspective on embryo selection?
02:13:48I have very complicated feelings about embryo selection.
02:13:52Okay, so the first thing I want to say is I think that having a child again is an incredibly
02:14:04risky, ultimately optimistic thing, and I think babies are good.
02:14:09So I really support people's right to build their families on their own terms, even if
02:14:18that's not the terms that I would build them on.
02:14:20I think reproductive autonomy is really, really important.
02:14:24Good disclaimer.
02:14:25I think that's very, very important.
02:14:30I think that there are some situations in which the upside seems very, very clear to me.
02:14:39Like if you have a disorder that's prevalent in your family and you want to mitigate even
02:14:44by a few percentage points the risk of that, and that's what's going to make you feel safe
02:14:49to bring a child into the world, like that feels like a good to me.
02:14:56Here's what I worry about.
02:14:57So those are the pros.
02:14:58The things I worry about is one, you said yourself that no one understands genetics.
02:15:04Like it's polygenic scores and genetic risk assessments are complicated to understand
02:15:13and complicated to communicate even to experts, and I do worry about are the claims that some
02:15:21companies are making, are they being matched by the evidence, and are they being communicated
02:15:27to prospective parents in a way that appropriately conveys a sort of uncertainty.
02:15:33As far as I can see, the only company that's even remotely close is Harasite.
02:15:37If it's not them, I think everybody else, and even they, are still at the absolute frontier
02:15:44of how it is that they put this.
02:15:47And they, to their credit, have been very transparent about their statistical models and their reasoning,
02:15:55which not all companies have done.
02:15:57I think they're trying to do it right.
02:16:00I think there's also the larger question.
02:16:02I wrote about this on my sub-stock recently, which is how does something becoming a choice,
02:16:11particularly around the body, change everyone else's experience, even if they don't make
02:16:19that choice?
02:16:20So we've kind of already seen this a little bit with Down syndrome, in that in some countries
02:16:32screening for Down syndrome amongst embryos is near universal.
02:16:36Iceland I think.
02:16:37I think Iceland is in there, Denmark is in there.
02:16:40And nearly all of those pregnancies are terminated or never implanted, and that has changed the
02:16:45perception of a Down's birth from, this is something that happens, and it's part of our
02:16:52social solidarity to support this child growing up, to you chose to have this kid because you
02:16:58could have avoided it.
02:17:00And those are in countries that have really strong sort of traditions, cultural, legal,
02:17:07social, financial of social solidarity.
02:17:11They have public medicine systems.
02:17:15In America, we already have such a fractured sense of solidarity with each other around
02:17:21our bodies, and how might that, what's going to happen when that system, when everyone's
02:17:30responsible for themselves and no one's responsible to each other, is further pressured by, and
02:17:38now if you have a kid who's sick or you have a kid who has a condition, we perceive it as
02:17:43you chose that because you could have prevented it by doing embryo selection.
02:17:49So how does this new technology, which makes something that for all of human history has
02:17:56been something, a chance event, turning it into a choice, how does that change all of
02:18:03our relationships with reproduction?
02:18:07I don't think we know the answer to that question, but that's just, that's what I'm thinking
02:18:10about right now.
02:18:11That's interesting.
02:18:12Nat, Nat, if you had the choice between a parent having to have a kid that's sick so that other
02:18:22kids that are also sick don't feel uncomfortable or strange because no one is using this new
02:18:29technology or them stepping in.
02:18:33Because the most compelling thing, weirdly enough, I've been thinking about this a lot,
02:18:37the most compelling thing that I've seen is, I didn't realize when you do IVF, the doctor
02:18:42already comes over and eyeballs the embryos.
02:18:44Oh yes, they're already choosing, yes.
02:18:46I mean, I think.
02:18:47Which you would want to do, like you would want to do that.
02:18:50You wouldn't say, hey, we're going to use IVF.
02:18:52Maybe one of us is a little bit older.
02:18:54Maybe it's going to be a geriatric pregnancy.
02:18:59Maybe we've had some fertility complications.
02:19:04Maybe yeah, we've been struggling to just get it to take.
02:19:08So we're going to get a big harvest, do the embryo thing, and then implant.
02:19:13The doctor is already looking through the microscope.
02:19:16And they're already selecting usually for aneuploidies for down or things like that.
02:19:19Correct.
02:19:20And so they're already.
02:19:21And they're like, is this one, is this blobby one symmetrical or not?
02:19:24Is this the most circular one?
02:19:25I think that, I think number three is the most circular one.
02:19:28So as soon as you accept that that is the way the IVF is done at the moment, having a
02:19:32dashboard that explains it, to me, makes very little difference.
02:19:37I think the bigger jump is medically unnecessary IVF.
02:19:44Like if someone is already doing IVF, and then they already are having to decide, and then
02:19:49you're like, I'm getting more information.
02:19:51Like I can't implant all of them, I got to pick one.
02:19:55It's that feels like less of a frontier.
02:19:57And this is, I mean, I don't know if that's right.
02:19:59Like, this is just like, it feels more different, but I don't think.
02:20:03Where's this coming from, from an ethical perspective, do you think, for you?
02:20:05I don't even know if it's an ethical perspective.
02:20:07It feels like a bigger technological leap, and a bigger social leap in our understanding
02:20:18of what reproduction is.
02:20:20What you end up with there is, if somebody has got some fertility complications, some
02:20:27conception issues, they are ethically more justified in having kids that they can select
02:20:35against negative traits and for positive traits than somebody, it's the same, one of my friends
02:20:39is telling me that if he uses full self-driving on his Tesla, and he texts, the self-driving
02:20:47thing turns off because it can see where your eyes are, it's got driver facing cameras that
02:20:51look at them.
02:20:52So interestingly, the safest way for him to text while he's in his Tesla is to drive it
02:20:56himself while he's texting.
02:20:59It's like a weird incentive structure.
02:21:01It seems like a weird incentive structure.
02:21:03I wouldn't even say like, again, I would not, I would not feel comfortable saying that someone
02:21:14who had done elective IVF and used embryo selection was behaving unethically, because
02:21:21I'm very wary of imposing my own.
02:21:26Why does it give you the heebie-jeebies?
02:21:28What does it do to you?
02:21:29Given that I read, just to add one element here, I read an article from Ethan Strauss,
02:21:34House of Strauss, fucking awesome sub-stank, sports reporter, but every time he writes something,
02:21:38I don't know much about basketball and March Madness and shit, but every time we write something
02:21:42not about sport, it's one of the best things I've ever read.
02:21:46He wrote this one, it's called My Boy, and his son has got autism, and I think he describes
02:21:52it as not the send rockets to space autism, but the flap your arms and make noise autism.
02:21:57And he describes like sort of really sort of dour detail, what happens when his son goes
02:22:05to a party and he sees other parents begin to react to his son's behavior, and he almost
02:22:09wants to go over and give a disclaimer to everybody in the room.
02:22:11I want to explain to you what's happening.
02:22:13Yeah, I just need you to know, have they noticed?
02:22:15When are they going to notice?
02:22:16Are they going to say something to me, to him?
02:22:18Is he ever going to be able to look after us in old age, or are we always going to have
02:22:21to look after our own child?
02:22:23And he loves his son, but I'm pretty sure he says, "I love my son, but like it would be
02:22:31better if I could have him not as this."
02:22:33And I understand there's a personhood problem here, right?
02:22:36Like you don't get to have him without that.
02:22:39The only him is the him with that.
02:22:41But anybody that is pro-choice, I think has to be pro-IVF, because the only downside that
02:22:50you have from the IVF is the castaway embryos that don't end up getting implanted.
02:22:54If you're not thinking of him as people.
02:22:56Correct.
02:22:57Yeah.
02:22:58Yeah.
02:22:59I mean, I think the technology, I've said this before and I'll say it again, new technology
02:23:04makes us have to grapple with tensions between our values that maybe we wouldn't have had
02:23:09to grapple with without the technology kind of putting a fine point on it.
02:23:14As a mother, like you asked me, like, why does it give me the heebie-jeebies?
02:23:18Does it give me the heebie-jeebies?
02:23:20It makes me uncomfortable for reasons I can't fully articulate.
02:23:23That's the heebie-jeebies.
02:23:25I think part of it is on the one hand as a mom, I can think about ways in which my children
02:23:34suffer because of the genetic hand they were dealt, and wouldn't I love to take away that
02:23:46suffering and make the world safer for them, make motherhood safer for me, reduce suffering,
02:23:52right?
02:23:53Increase flourishing.
02:23:54I mean, the value of your kid not hurting is so…
02:23:58Or not hurting other people.
02:23:59Or not.
02:24:00It's so, so, so high.
02:24:04But at the same time, I think motherhood does, at least it has for me, involves being in a
02:24:14relationship with a person and meeting with them, who they are, and them not being a project
02:24:22for me to perfect, them not being a vehicle or a vessel for my hopes and my dreams and
02:24:31my aspirations, but I am confronted with another person and my job is to love them as they
02:24:38are.
02:24:39Would it not be easier then to try and make that person as fit for the world as possible
02:24:46and then that allows you to take your hands off the wheel even more?
02:24:48No, but fit for the world, I mean, fit for the world is tough, in part because we don't
02:24:52really know, especially when we're moving away from monogenic diseases, where it's
02:24:58like, okay, we have this, there's this, there's this genotype, and it causes this disease,
02:25:04it's going to happen 100% of the time, as soon as we move from that to these more polygenic,
02:25:10anything I study, polygenic behavioral autism, some of the genes associated with autism are
02:25:15also associated with going further in school, being more likely to graduate from college.
02:25:20IQ is negatively correlated with happiness.
02:25:24Some of the same genes that are associated with going further in school or being an artist
02:25:29are associated with schizophrenia, as we've talked about before, and we've talked about
02:25:35risk-taking.
02:25:36One of the thought experiments I talk about in my book is, again, thought experiment, audience,
02:25:41I'm not suggesting this, thought experiment is what if some embryo selection dictator came
02:25:53to power and said, as of this year, 2026, every couple that wants to reproduce has to
02:26:02use IVF, has to do embryo screening, and has to select the kids that have the lowest antisocial
02:26:11offending rate-taking genes.
02:26:14We are going to like stop murders in this country because we're going to like breed the sin genes
02:26:19out of people, and you did that for several generations, and so at every generation you
02:26:26selected only the least risk-taking, most inhibited, least antisocial.
02:26:33Is that a world you want to live in?
02:26:35Like is that you've selected people who are most likely to go along and get along and do
02:26:40well in school and be great at having a boss and like be really good at working a desk job
02:26:45and like are very, very self-controlled, perhaps to the point of too self-controlled, but like
02:26:51do you, when you think about your family and your friends and the cities that you've chosen
02:26:57to live in, do you want to live in a place that's populated only by the most puritanical
02:27:03and inhibited among us?
02:27:05Like probably not.
02:27:06I wouldn't.
02:27:07You get to sort of a God's eye coordination problem here, the right, that you parents,
02:27:12what we really need is to keep some of this high externalizing behavior in the gene pool
02:27:16so we would like you to pay the price so that we can continue to have this grist for the
02:27:21mill that can spread randomly between.
02:27:24I mean I think you're picking up on like a really fundamental like, you're exactly right,
02:27:28which is that we put so much pressure on individual parents to be entirely responsible for the
02:27:34care of their children, to mitigate any bad outcomes, and we live in a society in which
02:27:40society is better off when we have variety, when we have genetic diversity.
02:27:44Like there is no evolution without mutation, there is no, the sociologist Emile Durkheim
02:27:51had this passage that crime is necessary to every society because unless you have people
02:27:56who are willing to do things differently, a society will never evolve.
02:27:59But you are asking parents to pay a high price if they are the ones that have to deal with
02:28:03the child that pays the crime.
02:28:04This is why I think there isn't, this is why I feel like the dictating reproductive policy
02:28:12from the top down.
02:28:14Like if someone says no, I'm Catholic, I believe that those IVF created embryos are people,
02:28:19I want to have six children and I want to use natural planning, like go for it.
02:28:25I really think that diversity in a society is maintained by having diversity, but I mean
02:28:32this is kind of a classical liberal idea, like what is your conception of the good?
02:28:35Like go pursue it.
02:28:37What is your risk tolerance for parenting?
02:28:39And it's also interesting because, you know, I gave birth to all three of my kids in Austin,
02:28:46forget polygenic screening of embryos.
02:28:51Even genetic testing for Down's was introduced by my obstetrician as if she were like slowly
02:29:01tiptoeing over a landmine.
02:29:03I'm not saying you have to do this and I'm not saying you should do this.
02:29:06You're talking to a geneticist, don't worry.
02:29:07You should have just been talking to a geneticist.
02:29:09I'm not saying that you would have to, you know, I'm not suggesting you would want to
02:29:12terminate the pregnancy if it was, but we do have this option available to you.
02:29:16So it's a funny thing that this conversation about embryo selection and its ethics is happening
02:29:22at the same time where we have a climate where if you wanted to get an abortion in this state,
02:29:29you would have to leave this state, right?
02:29:31Like it's, there's very different things happening in terms of our reproductive autonomy.
02:29:36What do you think about embryo selection as a counter to the crumbling genome, 2B's thing?
02:29:42I don't know about this.
02:29:44Okay.
02:29:45So ancestrally there are selection pressures that mean people who have got genetic mutations
02:29:49that are suboptimal would have been selected out.
02:29:52Myopia is a good one, right?
02:29:54Both you and me, you chose to go glasses, I chose to go Lasik.
02:29:58We have to assume that if you roll the dice sufficient times, both of us would be more
02:30:03dead than somebody who had perfect eyesight.
02:30:07And when we are able to alleviate those selection pressures by glasses and Lasik, it means that
02:30:14we are able to pass on our suboptimal.
02:30:17So because the selection pressures have been relieved largely through healthcare and support
02:30:21and modern medicine and stuff like that, you do end up with a civilization that accumulates
02:30:26genetic mutations that are nonoptimal at a greater rate than would have done previously
02:30:32because again, this lid has been released.
02:30:36And the argument is, this is 2B's argument, you have a crumbling genome that it moves toward
02:30:44increasing accumulation of genetic mutations, ones that we would not want, but we're able
02:30:50to continue to support and buttress this with technological progress.
02:30:57And the argument is that embryo selection is able to step in and reverse some of this entropy.
02:31:04I mean, I think this idea that what humans are doing with post-industrial healthcare in
02:31:14terms of buffering the negative effects of genes is somehow novel to humanity or novel
02:31:24to evolution.
02:31:27I don't really buy that.
02:31:28Like if you look at other species, you see multiple examples in which their ability to
02:31:35build niches for themselves reduces selection pressure on some genes and increases selection
02:31:42pressure on other genes which are involved in niche making.
02:31:45But we would, at least as far as I can see with humans, there would be no increased selection
02:31:51pressure.
02:31:52It would just be we will continue to compensate over and over again.
02:31:55I think this idea that there's no selection, there's always a selection.
02:31:59There's fewer selection pressures.
02:32:00I think there's fewer selection pressures around the things that were historically associated
02:32:05with mortality.
02:32:07And now we have new ones.
02:32:11It's a very common idea that you see recur, you know, essentially since Galton.
02:32:15This idea that like, you know, something about modernity is making us soft and that's going
02:32:21to corrode or degrade our genome.
02:32:24This was Pearson's argument against universal public education for kids.
02:32:31We can't be educating all of the children because then, you know, they'll be able to like support
02:32:39themselves and reproduce and then we won't be winnowing out the feeble mindedness genes.
02:32:46And that sounds kind of awful and shocking to us in retrospect but it made perfect sense
02:32:51to them, you know, with their logic at the time.
02:32:53There's a different kind of lock-in from educating or not educating someone versus allowing a
02:32:58much harder inheritance of genetic mutation to keep on moving down.
02:33:05So anyway, I think it's interesting and that to be thing, that's about as spicy of a theory
02:33:11basically that we should either use embryo selection to step in or we should limit healthcare
02:33:16in an attempt, and this isn't his proposal at all.
02:33:19But that's like really on the fucking cusp.
02:33:22That's why I wait two and a half hours to bring up crumbling genome.
02:33:26But it's a fascinating thought experiment, right?
02:33:28Like what are we accumulating?
02:33:29And are there some things that we could, what is it, the increase in peanuts allergies that
02:33:35we've had?
02:33:36And that's behavioral.
02:33:37The increase in asthma because households that use dishwashers and have like a 75% increase
02:33:46likelihood of asthma because not being exposed to, okay, so we continue to move.
02:33:51It's kind of like snowplow parenting but for- Snowplow, and not helicopter, snowplow parenting.
02:33:57I like that.
02:33:58Exactly.
02:33:59It's snowplow civilization.
02:34:00I mean, I guess the other reason why I'm just not like that concerned about the crumbliness
02:34:08of our genome.
02:34:09When you say that, I imagine this like kind of overcooked chocolate chip cookie, like our
02:34:13genome is like falling apart at the edges.
02:34:15I think about wool.
02:34:17Is evolution takes place in vast time.
02:34:21Like evolution is a slow process that has proceeded over eons and any attempt to like take what's
02:34:31happening in the last 25 years and extrapolate too far in either direction, I'm just not all
02:34:38that convinced by it.
02:34:39And also I just think this idea that like, in some ways the idea that there's like a good
02:34:44direction for evolution or a bad direction, like I don't think evolution is teething a
02:34:48lot of people that way- Surely you would say a less robust or a more
02:34:52robust immune system, that seems pretty universally good, right?
02:34:57If you had somebody that was more able to withstand pathogens and microbes and insults to their
02:35:03health, somebody who has a better respiratory rate, better eyesight, better hearing.
02:35:12These things seem realistic like, but again, with glasses and hearing aids and antibiotics,
02:35:17we were able to come in and buttress.
02:35:22I think that being able to hear is a good thing.
02:35:26I also know that there's plenty of people in the Deaf community who would willingly select
02:35:33a non-hearing child, a child that can't hear if they could, to carry on the community.
02:35:37I've seen the personhood of the Deaf community, the denial of the personhood of the Deaf community.
02:35:43I think as a psychologist and a geneticist, I think of what's good or bad in an evolutionary
02:35:51sense.
02:35:52It's always being relative to an environment.
02:35:57White fur is good when it's snowy a lot and it starts to be bad as soon as it's not snowy
02:36:02a lot if you're a rabbit, and not really good or bad in some sort of absolute sense.
02:36:10I can see the argument that's like, given that humans will always have some novel pathogens
02:36:19because bacteria and viruses evolve a lot faster than we do, having an immune system that can
02:36:25keep up with that is going to be good for most of the environments that humans will likely
02:36:30face in our evolutionary future, but there's still a background of what the environment
02:36:36is there and not a genetically good and an absolute sense, I guess, is the thing that
02:36:42I'm responding to.
02:36:44One of the things that you said before about more and less appropriate behaviors, especially
02:36:53given the modern world and the domestication, the popification, could there be an argument
02:37:01made that the current push by the mainstream to dissuade men from aggression and dominance
02:37:09and impulsivity is more unfair genetically than if men are, on average, less domesticated
02:37:17and appropriate for a gentle modern world and our behavior needs to be curtailed more than
02:37:24women's does?
02:37:25Is that unfair?
02:37:27Gosh, it's unfair the word that I would use to that.
02:37:33We're being asked to modify our behavior in a manner that women aren't simply because of
02:37:39what modern society-
02:37:40Well, I mean, this has been Richard Reeves' argument.
02:37:44I don't know if you're familiar.
02:37:45He wrote-
02:37:46He's been sat in that chair.
02:37:47Oh, really?
02:37:48So if we're not going to change schools, then we should red shirt all the boys and give them
02:37:52an extra year because asking a five-year-old boy to do developmentally the exact same thing
02:37:59as a five-year-old girl isn't unfair in his comparison.
02:38:03You've spent a lot of time talking about dominance and aggression.
02:38:07I want to go up a level to think if I can articulate this in terms of sort of like more general
02:38:11principles and then go back to your specific question.
02:38:16So in questions like this, when we think about fair or unfair, just or unjust, I'm still very
02:38:23heavily influenced by Rawls' political philosopher, John Rawls, and his thought experiment, which
02:38:29is if you didn't know what hand you were going to be dealt in the natural lottery and in the
02:38:39social lottery, what rules would you want for society?
02:38:46That's an interesting question to think like if I didn't know whether or not I was going
02:38:50to be a man or a woman, would I set school up the way that school is set up now?
02:38:57And I actually wish that I could like inhabit the mind of a man for a day just to see like,
02:39:04is it really different?
02:39:05Is it very similar?
02:39:06I'd be fascinated with that.
02:39:07I can't do that, but I have a son.
02:39:10I have a child, and so I can get to, given what I know about sex differences in brain
02:39:17development, in rates of ADHD, in rates of conduct disorder, how would I design an educational
02:39:25system such that my sons and my daughters would have an equal opportunity to thrive in them?
02:39:32And it sure as heck wouldn't be what we do now.
02:39:35I mean, my son's in middle school, and I think it's culturally insane what we do.
02:39:43Like, there is no culture on earth before industrial capitalism that was like, "Do you know what
02:39:49we should do with our 12 and 13-year-old pubertal boys?
02:39:53We should put them inside all day, ask them to sit still with each other and no older boys
02:40:02and no younger kids and no responsibilities, and we should put a 25-year-old woman in charge
02:40:07of them."
02:40:08And we should get them to learn stuff that they won't be able to remember a decade later.
02:40:13Whereas he does these once a month, like, go play in the woods for the whole day, and there's
02:40:23no screens, and there's a bunch of young men, and it's like, "We're going to build a fire,
02:40:27and we're going to carve things out of wood, and we're going to catch turtles, and we're
02:40:31going to fish, and we're going to hide in the brushes, and while we're there, we're going
02:40:37to talk about math, and we're going to talk about the stars, and you can read stuff to
02:40:41prepare for your Earth-native day."
02:40:44Well, okay.
02:40:45I love it.
02:40:46Maybe I put it in a different way to unfair.
02:40:50Should the additional level of discipline that males, specifically men, are required-
02:40:58Should we have lower standards for this?
02:41:00No, no, the opposite.
02:41:02The emotional containment that men are forced to do in order to adhere to a much more domesticated
02:41:10modern world takes more effort than it does for women.
02:41:14It just straight up takes more effort because we are being asked to be further away from
02:41:18our set point, right?
02:41:20Our predisposition pushes us in a direction that modern society has said that we're not
02:41:23allowed to go in.
02:41:24On average, more so for-
02:41:27There will be more people who find it harder to-
02:41:31Do that.
02:41:32That are men.
02:41:33... comport themselves in a way that is considered-
02:41:34That are men, yes.
02:41:35There has been what you could say a feminization of society, at least in as much as traits that
02:41:41were more typically on the feminine side of the conscientiousness, orderliness, etc., etc.
02:41:49Lower risk taking, lower aggression, lower dominance.
02:41:54Those things are being selected for.
02:41:58That means that men need to pay an additional price.
02:42:00It's more effortful for men to behave-
02:42:02Yeah.
02:42:03Yeah.
02:42:04Given that, is that something that should be recognized?
02:42:06Is that a kind of price?
02:42:07We often talk about the double shift that women do, where women have worked during the day
02:42:11and then they come back home, but nobody ever talks about the additional emotional containment
02:42:14that men have to do, especially given their nature.
02:42:18Gosh, I've never thought about this before, so everything I'm about to say is, "I don't
02:42:27have high confidence that I'm right in anything I'm about to say."
02:42:29That's just as a preface.
02:42:30I should do that before every episode.
02:42:35I mean, part of what's difficult for me to think through that is that the distributions
02:42:40differ, but they're highly overlapping.
02:42:44Most men are in the range of normal women, and most women are in the range of normal men
02:42:53when it comes to conscientiousness or agreeableness or risk taking.
02:42:57The sex difference or the gender difference, depending on how you conceptualize it, in these
02:43:02traits is going to be the most evident at the extremes.
02:43:10At the extremes, yeah.
02:43:13And we do see...
02:43:14But this works all the way, right?
02:43:15Like if you start to squeeze the bracket and squeeze the window of what is acceptable...
02:43:19But once you get outside of the tails, men are within the female range and women are in
02:43:25the...
02:43:26On average, you're going to have...
02:43:29I mean, the distributions are very overlapping.
02:43:32When you run it across multiple different traits, though, when you're talking aggression and
02:43:37externalizing behavior and impulsivity and risk taking and dominance, like when you roll
02:43:42all of those together and this isn't just...
02:43:45Someone isn't just aggressive or aggressive and risk taking, they're all of these things
02:43:49together.
02:43:50And when you start to Lollapalooza this, almost no woman would be as risk taking aggressive
02:43:57dominant person.
02:43:58As the outlying.
02:43:59As the outlying.
02:44:00No.
02:44:01Even if you were to...
02:44:02Because on average, you have like these massive overlapping distributions, right?
02:44:06But as soon as you go, it's this trait and this trait and this trait and this trait.
02:44:12But I don't think that's true because all those things are all correlated with each other.
02:44:17So I think even if you...
02:44:18Surely it would start to push those hills out further.
02:44:21I mean, we could run a simulation to do this, but I think if you were envisioning like, let's
02:44:25say just three traits, some sort of three-dimensional terrain surface, I think the things that you're
02:44:32talking about are correlated enough such that men and women are more similar than is commonly
02:44:42assumed.
02:44:44So I do think that we definitely clearly see sex differences at the extremes, at the outlying
02:44:52one.
02:44:53But in terms of like, is your ordinary experience that different than a woman in the 60th percentile
02:45:02like...
02:45:03A question would be, we can only see the behavior of people who manifest it.
02:45:08And to say, well, this is where the tails are.
02:45:10How many men should be out on the tails, but a wrangling...
02:45:14They're white-knuckling their way through life.
02:45:16They're white-knuckling their way through domestication.
02:45:18And they're thinking, look, modern society says I can't behave in that way.
02:45:22I'd really better not.
02:45:23That's a price that men have to pay that women don't.
02:45:25I mean, I think there's a price to...
02:45:29I think I'm being hung up on the price to pay, like, I think that there's...
02:45:33A denial of their nature, a type of containment.
02:45:39All I'm saying is in a modern world that basically seems to continue to say, unless you're addicted
02:45:45to drugs in jail or homeless, you are still from a kind of privileged background.
02:45:51And there is ways that you as a man aren't even seeing some of the additional costs that
02:45:55women pay, the double shift, the domestic stuff.
02:45:59And I think some interesting data around that.
02:46:02But I think that that is the unseen cost, right?
02:46:08That would be the unseen cost of being a woman, of being a mother, of the things that you need
02:46:11to get over.
02:46:14I'm just seeing if there's any leeway for guys to have their own equivalent.
02:46:21Their own equivalent, like source of grievance or like sense of things that are unfair.
02:46:26I mean, whether or not they should, they clearly do.
02:46:31Like again, I'm not a man, I'm not going to speak for men, obviously.
02:46:35You know, the men that I interact with are my husband.
02:46:40And honestly, the modal man that I interact with these days is a 18 year old college student
02:46:49who's in my class.
02:46:50And you know, who are really just trying to figure out like, what is this life thing about?
02:46:56Like, what is this adult thing about?
02:46:59You know, there's whether or not people should feel like society is unfair for society stacked
02:47:07against them.
02:47:09I don't think any data point, even if I had them, that I could come up with to be like,
02:47:15you shouldn't feel like life is unfair.
02:47:18Because here's why.
02:47:19I think that data is really bad at counteracting these kinds of like, vibes of feeling like
02:47:26the headwinds of culture are against you.
02:47:29And everything that I read and all the data I've seen is that men and young men in particular
02:47:35feel like they really struggle to articulate what is my role in society?
02:47:41Am I valued in society?
02:47:44There used to be a lane for me and now I don't know what that lane is anymore.
02:47:48And you could think about like, no, you shouldn't feel that way because like, the distributions
02:47:54are overlapping or like, yes, you should feel this way because but like, neither one of those
02:48:00really get at the question about like, well, what do you do about it?
02:48:03Like, well, also, like, this is your personal experience, but I mean, I find the gap between
02:48:10young men and young women in terms of their perception of society, of politics of hope
02:48:17for the future, of whether or not they trust each other to be really sad and alarming.
02:48:26And I think anytime you start seeing society in terms of like a zero sum game, like if women
02:48:34are gaining, I'm losing because I'm being asked to do something that's more against my
02:48:37nature or if men's problems are given any air time, that is unfair because actually like
02:48:44women are so disempowered.
02:48:45I mean, I think it goes back to what I was talking about earlier with like the Norwegian
02:48:55crime, which was that like, when we begin from the perspective of each one of us has value
02:49:02as a human and we are all in the same boat now, like we're all in this society together.
02:49:07So how are we going to make it work for everyone?
02:49:10That feels like a much more productive way forward than trying to adjudicate like, which
02:49:17should people think it's unfair or not?
02:49:19Like if they do, you're going to have to start with that like as a starting point.
02:49:25What do you think of the Lux Maxing movement as a geneticist?
02:49:28I mean, I know very little about this.
02:49:32At the end of the day, like I'm a middle-aged college professor, so I am like somewhat buffered
02:49:37from online world.
02:49:39From what I read, it does seem to me to be very ironic because it seems that some of the
02:49:51interventions are making people infertile.
02:49:55Like I'm going to Lux Max and take a bunch of testosterone and ruin my ability to like
02:50:01procreate, feels really deeply ironic.
02:50:06Genetic seppuku.
02:50:07Yes, exactly, and also my friend Paul Eastwick, who I think you talked to, Paul is an old friend.
02:50:15I've been talking about research with him for 15 years and when I first met him, I was like,
02:50:21what do you mean you don't believe in made value?
02:50:22Like I don't believe you that that doesn't exist and now I'm like, oh, made value exists
02:50:26among strangers and acquaintances and then it declines as people get to know each other.
02:50:31That actually makes total sense to me, but I am very convinced by his argument that the
02:50:39core task of evolution was how do we survive and raise the next generation?
02:50:45And so our biggest boon towards that was the ability to form pair bonds and attach to each
02:50:52other, not to out-compete strangers for some like signals vaguely related to genetic fitness.
02:50:59So what do you think it says that that's what's being optimized for now by young men?
02:51:03Oh, what do you, I mean you're a younger and a man, so what do you think?
02:51:10I actually don't, it feels very nihilistic.
02:51:14It feels like if we were looking at this in another species and we were like, there's a
02:51:24subset of the young mammals who aren't dating, aren't interested in romance, aren't interested
02:51:34in reproducing, but are interested in extreme body modification.
02:51:42To give the signals that typically would be attractive by the other sex, but not in order
02:51:47to get the other sex.
02:51:48So the lux maxing community, I think is pretty broad.
02:51:52And in that will be a subset of guys who are doing it in order to get sexual access to women.
02:51:58They want to get laid.
02:51:59They want to get laid so they're going to be tall or they want to go to the gym to get
02:52:01jacked.
02:52:02I did lux maxing, right?
02:52:03It was called going to the gym.
02:52:06So a couple of interesting things.
02:52:09This is kind of an inevitable end point or one of the points along the journey of understanding
02:52:18behavioral genetics, understanding some make preferences from women, at least aesthetically
02:52:25for men.
02:52:26Because when you combine those two things together, there are certain things that are going to
02:52:31be more difficult for you to change without doing something that's extreme.
02:52:35And if you are growing up inside of a culture that is making it increasingly difficult for
02:52:41guys to get in front of women in a way that seems warm and welcomed.
02:52:48If you're in a post me too world where approaching women in public is something that many young
02:52:55men have been told that they shouldn't do, that you have a little bit of a tall girl problem.
02:52:59Socioeconomic success amongst women means that they're rising up through their own competence
02:53:03hierarchy.
02:53:04So there's ever fewer men that are above and across from them.
02:53:07So if they want to date typically on average, a woman wants to date a man as educated or
02:53:12more than her and as wealthy or more than she is and as tall or more than she is, you end
02:53:18up with an ever-increasing group of high-performing women and an ever-decreasing group of ultra
02:53:22high-performing men.
02:53:23If you do that and you keep on pushing, I think what you're actually seeing is guys competing
02:53:31with other guys as a way to find some end goal.
02:53:37You'll even hear it in the way that they, it's a bit like Clavicula who's kind of the number
02:53:40one of this.
02:53:41He'll say, "I don't care about getting girls.
02:53:43I just want a mug," and what he means is, "I want to out-alpha other guys," and what he's
02:53:49talking about with that, like, mugging is not just good looks.
02:53:55It's formidable.
02:53:56I'm sure that you've seen a lot of the stuff around male formidable as good, if not a better
02:54:00predictor of sexual success than looks are.
02:54:03So it's a really funny, I don't think that this is what's meant to happen, but they've
02:54:07ended up at what the outcome should be in any case, which is formidable is a better predictor
02:54:11of male sexual success than attractiveness tends to be by pushing for formidable that's
02:54:16coded in a very man way.
02:54:18It's all about brow ridge, heavy cheeks, like strong jawline, being tall.
02:54:28Maybe this is just me being extremely out of touch, but I'm a woman.
02:54:36I've been married twice.
02:54:38I've dated other people.
02:54:40I've been in relationships.
02:54:43I'm a heterosexual woman who has been involved in heterosexual relationships since I was 15,
02:54:50so nearly 30 years now, and every time I read this description of what women or especially
02:54:59like educated or high income or women who have some social status want, what they're looking
02:55:07for in a partner, how they pick partners, who they choose to have sex with.
02:55:12It always surprises me because it bears so little relationship to how I have ended up
02:55:21in sexually satisfying, romantically satisfying relationships, and I think what particularly
02:55:28with the education thing, I've long thought, my first husband I met during graduate school,
02:55:36so he has the exact same education as me.
02:55:39My second husband has, I guess on paper, less education than me, made less money than me
02:55:44when we first met.
02:55:47So I'm in one of those relationships that people suggest shouldn't happen, which is like people
02:55:52marrying across or down as a woman.
02:55:56Socioeconomically, yeah.
02:55:57And I'm like, but my husband is extremely competent.
02:56:02You know what competence is a predictor for future socioeconomic success.
02:56:05That is how that would get netted down.
02:56:07I guess so.
02:56:08And it's the same thing.
02:56:09But I think the sense of like you want, you know, the competence is a signal for like socioeconomic
02:56:15status.
02:56:16Actually, I think it's the reverse.
02:56:17Like if I reflect on what I want, I'm like, I want a man who knows how to contribute to
02:56:24the family and contribute to the society, and like one of those ways could be money, but
02:56:29actually I want someone who like, again, it's competence, it's contribution.
02:56:35Then what you're using is education level and employment level are rough-hewn aggregates
02:56:41that may indicate the level of competence of this person.
02:56:44Yeah.
02:56:45So I don't disagree, but that's also the same as saying, well, my most recent graduate student,
02:56:51he didn't even go to a very good university, but he was great.
02:56:54No.
02:56:55I mean, obviously I'm a one person.
02:56:56Like this is, you know, the end of- I know that you're right, but the end of one thing
02:56:59is true.
02:57:00I think if you were to look on average, assortative mating is real.
02:57:04But that's my, I don't think the guys are even concerned about that.
02:57:08They're not worried about, they're not education maxing, they're looks maxing.
02:57:11Right?
02:57:12They're not career maxing.
02:57:13They're not confidence maxing.
02:57:14Well, that would also be something, but I think-
02:57:17Ben, go learn how to like chop down a tree and diaper a baby and hike up a mountain and
02:57:23ride a horse, competence max instead of looks max.
02:57:26And then like, I feel like that might get you more places.
02:57:29Well, the currency that every man is playing with at the moment is what can be portrayed
02:57:35online.
02:57:36And I can't show you how good I, my good- I mean, I think that's the-
02:57:39I can show you how much of a chad I am, but not how much of a dad I am.
02:57:42Yeah.
02:57:43The part that makes me, so again, like so much of this is reflected back to me in my role
02:57:49as a college professor and I was teaching a class and I was, I made some, we were talking
02:57:57about de-individuation, like when you're in a dark room or you're in a costume, you feel
02:58:01less individually responsible.
02:58:04And I said offhand, I was like, that's why none of the best parties are going to have
02:58:07bright fluorescent lighting.
02:58:08Like you're always going to have dim light at a good party.
02:58:11And my students, I teach online, I teach on a soundstage and my students have this like
02:58:15ask your professor a question button, and it lit up with students being like bold of you
02:58:21to think that we've ever been to a party or I heard that there would be parties in college
02:58:26and I've never been to one.
02:58:28And my co-instructor and I looked at each other and we were like, should we make a homework
02:58:32assignment, which is throw a house party?
02:58:35Like turn the lights down and put some music on and like maybe make some jello shots and
02:58:40like have people over.
02:58:42And it was so, it was, there are these moments where you, you know, every year I go and every
02:58:49year I'm a year older, and then there are these moments where the students ask something and
02:58:53you're like, oh wow, the culture has shifted.
02:58:57And I, and shifted in a way that as an older person, I have not been privy to, and how much
02:59:05of this is, they're just not hanging out in person as much anymore.
02:59:11Like like are, if college students are writing me and being like, I've never been to a party
02:59:18and all of their socialization is happening mediated two-dimensionally through a screen,
02:59:25you're right.
02:59:26Then the only competence that seems to matter is the presentation of it.
02:59:31How do you look?
02:59:32And, but that's, that's not, that doesn't, going back to Paul's work, that doesn't help
02:59:38you sustain an attachment, that doesn't help you raise a baby.
02:59:42Like that's not really what I think.
02:59:45Think about how anti-natalist most of the sort of modern culture is at the moment anyway.
02:59:50Oh, American culture hates kids.
02:59:52Yeah.
02:59:53Yeah.
02:59:54I got in trouble for this recently.
02:59:55Paige, you're great.
02:59:56I really...
02:59:57This was so fun and so varying and all over the place.
03:00:01We did it.
03:00:02Where should people go?
03:00:03Let's bring this one home.
03:00:04Tell them where to buy your things and follow your things.
03:00:06All right.
03:00:07So my new book comes out on March 3rd in the United States and in April in the UK, and it's
03:00:12called Original Sin, the Genetics of Vice, the Problem of Blame, and the Future of Forgiveness.
03:00:19And if you are at all interested in genetics, addiction, antisocial behavior, how to forgive
03:00:24yourself or someone else for the way they've hurt you, or just the free will problem, or
03:00:31there's a very personal prologue to that about having a body.
03:00:36So if you're interested in any of those things, you should check out my book.
03:00:39Heck yeah.
03:00:40Paige, I appreciate you.
03:00:41Thank you very much for tuning in.
03:00:43Congratulations for making it to the end of an entire episode.
03:00:49Another one that I think you'll enjoy is right here.

Key Takeaway

Dr. Kathryn Paige Harden argues that while genetics profoundly shape our predispositions toward risk and antisocial behavior, a scientific understanding of these 'lotteries' should lead to a more compassionate and less retributive society.

Highlights

Dr. Kathryn Paige Harden discusses the personal and academic blowback following her research on behavioral genetics and her effort to humanize genetic science.

A massive study of 4 million people identified specific genetic markers associated with risk-taking behaviors, ADHD, and antisocial tendencies.

Childhood antisocial behavior, particularly when involving 'callous-unemotional' traits, shows a heritability rate of approximately 80%, comparable to schizophrenia.

The 'X-linked' MAOA gene variant illustrates how a single genetic mutation can drastically impair moral faculties and increase the likelihood of violent behavior in men.

Retribution is explored as an evolved dopamine-driven mechanism for enforcing cooperation, though it often leads to a 'rescue-blame trap' in legal systems.

Societal responses to crime, such as Norway's rehabilitative approach versus the United States' retributive system, highlight deep moral confusion regarding human agency.

Embryo selection for polygenic traits presents a complex ethical frontier, potentially shifting the perception of natural chance into a burden of parental choice.

Timeline

Public Controversy and the Academic Doppelganger

Dr. Harden reflects on the polarized reception of her work, contrasting meaningful dialogues with readers against the 'villainization' she faced from academic peers. She describes the disorientation of having a 'doppelganger' in the public eye who is credited with the exact opposite of her actual written arguments. This section highlights the difficulty of communicating nuanced genetic science in a culture prone to deliberate misunderstanding and emotional reactivity. The conversation touches on the psychological impact of being misheard and the 'spidey-sense' of alienation that occurs when words are distorted for ideological purposes. Harden's father, a fighter pilot, provided perspective by noting that the most fire is received when one is 'directly over the target,' suggesting her work touches on deeply important human issues.

The Genetics of Risk and Disinhibition

Harden discusses a landmark study involving 4 million DNA samples from sources like the UK Biobank and 23andMe to identify genes linked to 'externalizing' behaviors. The study looked at seven distinct behaviors including ADHD symptoms, early sexual activity, and problematic substance use to find common genetic threads of disinhibition. These behaviors are often moralized by society, yet the research suggests a biological reward-seeking and risk-taking architecture underlying them all. Dr. Harden shares her personal journey from a fundamentalist upbringing to behavioral neuroscience, sparked by a college job performing brain surgeries on addicted mice. This paradigm shift from seeing drug use as a moral failure to a biological phenotype remains the cornerstone of her scientific career.

Evolutionary Roots and Self-Domestication

The discussion shifts to evolutionary psychology, exploring the theory that humans have 'self-domesticated' by selecting for cooperation and lower aggression over millennia. While society rewards some risk-taking, such as in successful entrepreneurs who often have a history of minor teenage delinquency, the extreme ends of these traits can be maladaptive. Harden introduces the fascinating overlap between genes for schizophrenia and those for creativity, suggesting that 'diseased' genes persist because they offer benefits in moderation. The conversation explores the 'brain development' window, with Harden advising her children to wait until age 30 before trying psychedelics to avoid disrupting the maturing prefrontal cortex. Ultimately, she posits that human variation is the 'grist for the evolutionary meal,' making genetic differences an inescapable part of the human story.

Free Will, Determinism, and the Legal System

Harden and the host tackle the question of free will, with Harden arguing that the person making choices is profoundly shaped by factors outside their control. She finds the abstract philosophical debate less interesting than the practical question of how genetic knowledge should influence reward and punishment. Using the concept of 'literally false but functionally true' beliefs, the conversation explores why humans treat personal agency as a necessary social fiction. Harden uses hypothetical scenarios involving seizures and panic attacks to illustrate how our intuitions about culpability shift based on the perceived 'cause' of a behavior. The section concludes that even if determinism is true, we still lack a cohesive moral framework for discriminating between different types of biological influences in a court of law.

Callous-Unemotional Traits and Childhood Antisociality

This section delves into the high heritability of childhood antisocial behavior, which at 80% is nearly identical to schizophrenia. Harden focuses on 'callous-unemotional' traits, describing children who lack empathy and remorse, often appearing 'eerie' or 'off-putting' even to strangers. These children often elicit harsh, controlling responses from adults, which ironically creates a vicious feedback loop that exacerbates their antisocial tendencies. Research shows these individuals are often reward-sensitive but punishment-insensitive, meaning traditional discipline like spanking or isolation is fundamentally ineffective as a learning tool. Science is currently at the limit of knowing how to help these families, as these children essentially suffer from a 'learning disability' regarding social and moral consequences.

Culpability, Addiction, and the X-Chromosome

The conversation examines the evolution of antisocial behavior into adulthood and the 'moral confusion' of the legal system when dealing with offenders like child soldiers or school shooters. Harden compares addiction recovery to practical philosophy, noting that programs like AA succeed by simultaneously acknowledging powerlessness and demanding daily responsibility. A major technical highlight is the discussion of the X-linked MAOA gene, where a rare mutation in one Dutch family led to extreme violence in men while their sisters remained unaffected. This 'Warrior Gene' example shows how a single letter change in the genome can disrupt the biological faculty of morality, making it nearly impossible for the individual to inhibit violent impulses. Harden’s lab is currently expanding research into the X-chromosome to see if it explains why men are more vulnerable to certain antisocial phenotypes.

Retribution as a Neurobiological Reward

Harden critiques the American 'carceral state,' noting that the U.S. has incarcerated more people than were ever in the Soviet gulags. She explores the neurobiology of retribution, citing studies where five-year-olds pay to see 'bad' puppets punished, showing that seeing a wrongdoer suffer triggers dopamine release in the ventral striatum. This evolved mechanism for enforcing cooperation can become a 'rescue-blame trap' where society cycles between empathizing with a criminal's trauma and demanding their suffering. Harden argues that our desire for retribution is like an evolved craving for sugar; it was once necessary but is now exploited by a culture that provides 'empty calories' of outrage. She proposes that we need a 'better food culture' for justice that prioritizes community safety and accountability over the raw pleasure of making others suffer.

The Norwegian Model vs. Genetic Essentialism

The host and Harden debate the case of Anders Breivik, the Norwegian mass murderer who received a 21-year sentence in a relatively comfortable prison. This serves as a case study for a society that refuses to let its retributive instincts lead, even in the face of heinous crimes, to avoid corrupting its own humanity. Harden distinguishes between 'genetic determinism' (my genes made me do it) and 'genetic essentialism' (my genes make me a bad person), warning that the latter makes society less sympathetic. She shares a moving letter from a Texas inmate who used her work to ask, 'What makes a child go bad?', illustrating the universal human need to understand one's own biography through science. Ultimately, she suggests that while we score the 'genomic goals' of our successes, we must also acknowledge the 'genetic luck' behind our failures.

Epigenetics, Motherhood, and the Future of Selection

Harden clarifies the science of epigenetics, debunking popular myths about the 'inheritance of trauma' while highlighting real-time impacts of poverty on DNA methylation in children. She describes a study where cash transfers to low-income mothers potentially altered their children's epigenetic aging by alleviating nutritional and social stressors. Motherhood is described as an 'optimistic gamble' where parents must meet a unique person rather than treat them as a 'perfectible project.' This leads to a complex critique of embryo selection, where Harden worries that turning reproduction from chance into choice might erode social solidarity for those with disabilities. She warns against a 'dictator' model of selection that might inadvertently breed out the very 'deviance' and risk-taking necessary for a vibrant, evolving society.

The Modern World and the Masculine Nature

The final section explores the 'feminization' of modern society and the unique challenges faced by young men whose traits of dominance and high activity are increasingly pathologized. Harden agrees with Richard Reeves that institutions like schools are often developmentally misaligned with boys, who may feel they are 'white-knuckling' their way through a domesticated culture. They discuss the 'looksmaxing' and 'incel' subcultures as a nihilistic response to shifting mating dynamics and the lack of in-person socialization among Gen Z. Harden emphasizes that data is poor at counteracting the 'vibes' of a generation that feels the headwinds of culture are against them. The episode concludes with a call for 'Original Sin,' Harden's new book, which seeks to find a path for forgiveness in an age of genetic discovery.

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